(I)
The demise of Sanders’ “political revolution”
By Patrick Martin
30 April 2016
[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n the wake of his losses in five out of six northeastern primaries, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders has effectively conceded that former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will be the Democratic nominee. On Wednesday, the Sanders campaign issued layoff notices to several hundred staffers.
In a series of media interviews, Sanders and his top campaign aide Tad Devine indicated that the candidate would bow to demands from leading Democrats that he stop criticizing the frontrunner for her ties to Wall Street, and instead direct his attacks against the likely Republican nominee, billionaire Donald Trump.
Thus the Sanders campaign ends not with a bang, but a whimper. The candidate has every right, however, to declare “mission accomplished.” His main concern, as the campaign developed, was how to keep his supporters within the Democratic Party. Millions of youth and workers attracted by calls for a “political revolution” and denunciations of the “billionaire class” are now to be dragged to the polls to cast their votes for Clinton, a Wall Street lackey and war criminal.
The mass support for Sanders was the product of the experiences American workers and youth have made with the capitalist system, particularly over the past 15 years, during which they have seen nothing but war, economic crisis and deteriorating wages and social conditions.
A Harvard University survey of young adults aged 18 to 29, made public this week, found that 51 percent of those surveyed did not support capitalism, compared to 42 percent who did. One-third of these young adults affirmatively supported socialism, and near-majorities agreed that health care, food and shelter were basic human rights. This is in a society where socialism has been virtually criminalized and both major parties, the media and academia all sing the praises of the profit system.
As the WSWS wrote in February, “Sanders is not the representative of a working class movement. He is rather the temporary beneficiary of a rising tide of popular opposition that is passing through only its initial stages of social and class differentiation.” His entire campaign has been dedicated to preventing this leftward movement from breaking out of the straitjacket of the Democratic Party.
Sanders began his bid for the Democratic presidential nomination with no expectations of electoral success or even significant influence. His aim was to play the role of previous left-liberal candidates, like Dennis Kucinich and Al Sharpton, and use the presidential primary process to give the Democratic Party a “left” face. The Clinton campaign itself welcomed his participation, counting on Sanders to allow her to position herself as the “responsible progressive” during the primary contests.
To the surprise and shock of the corporate-controlled media, Democratic Party officials and the candidate himself, Sanders won an immediate hearing, first among young people and then more broadly. It was noticeable that the more radical and enthusiastic his followers became, the more the senator dropped his longstanding pretense of “independence” and insisted that the Democratic Party was the only possible political avenue. His “political revolution” turned out to be nothing more than getting out the vote for the Democrats, his “socialism” merely warmed-over liberalism, without the slightest threat of any inroad against capitalist property.
Sanders avoided the overriding issues of war and militarism, on which Clinton was most vulnerable given her role as secretary of state in the Obama administration, responsible for the US-NATO war in Libya, the US-instigated civil war in Syria, and the campaign of drone missile assassinations, among other crimes.
Now that Clinton has effectively clinched the Democratic Party nomination, Sanders’ role will be to foster illusions that the Democratic standard bearer, a proven servant of American imperialism with a political record stretching back four decades, can somehow be pushed to the left.
Speaking at a rally in Bloomington, Indiana on Wednesday, Sanders made perhaps the clearest statement of his own political role. “Our job, whether we win or whether we do not win,” he said, “is to transform not only our country, but the Democratic Party—to open the doors of the Democratic Party to working people and young people and senior citizens in a way that does not exist today.”
He expanded on this political alchemist’s theme of transforming the Democratic Party at a rally Thursday in Springfield, Oregon, where he declared, “The Democratic Party has to reach a fundamental conclusion: Are we on the side of working people or big money interests? Do we stand with the elderly, the children, the sick and the poor? Or do we stand with Wall Street speculators and the drug companies and the insurance companies?”
And the devil must decide whether to stand on the side of the angels!
The class character of the Democratic Party is not open to question. It is an integral component of the two-party system, which the American ruling elite employs to manage its affairs of state and to suppress all opposition from below.
As for Sanders, he will get a cameo appearance at the Democratic convention while Clinton will “move to the center” for the general election campaign, i.e., she will seek the support of sections of the Republican establishment, Wall Street and the military wary of a Trump or Cruz White House.
Among the pseudo-left groups, where enthusiasm for Sanders has prevailed, his defeat may prompt an alteration of tactics, but not of political orientation. Their enthusiasm for his campaign was in no small measure bound up with the fact that they saw it as a means of entry of their own organizations into the capitalist establishment. They will continue to pursue that goal, including through support for the Greens, a bourgeois “third party” in the political orbit of the Democrats.
Throughout the election campaign, the Socialist Equality Party has explained both the objective significance of the mass support for Sanders and the role of the candidate himself as a vehicle for strengthening the Democratic Party. We have stressed that Sanders was not the leader of a movement from below, but an instrument of the political establishment for containing, misdirecting and ultimately dispersing that movement.
Those who are serious and who are looking for a real anti-war, socialist political movement must draw the necessary conclusions. We call on all of you to support the Socialist Equality Party election campaign of Jerry White and Niles Niemuth, to help build a genuine socialist movement of the working class and prepare for the struggles to come.
Patrick Martin
The author also recommends:
Where’s the socialism in the Sanders campaign?
[16 April 2016]
Sanders and the left feint in capitalist politics
[6 February 2016]
(II)
Socialist Alternative: Charlatanry and lies in support of Sanders’ “political revolution
By Barry Grey
3 May 2016
[dropcap]B[/dropcap]ernie Sanders is shifting into the next phase of his mission on behalf of the American ruling elite, seeking to corral the millions of youth and workers who responded to his campaign and direct them behind the war criminal and Wall Street stooge Hillary Clinton. In parallel, the various pseudo-left organizations that have promoted Sanders are seeking to adjust their tactics to better perform their assigned task of blocking the development of a genuinely socialist movement of the working class.
Socialist Alternative has been the most unrestrained of all these groups in integrating itself into Sanders’ campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination. Now, with Sanders’ effective concession to Clinton, it is desperately seeking to revive illusions in his bogus “political revolution.” The organization and its chief spokeswoman, Seattle City Councilor Kshama Sawant, have launched a petition drive asking the Vermont senator to run either as an independent or on the Green Party ticket alongside Green presidential candidate Jill Stein, and to found and lead a new “left” party, which they describe as a “fighting, working-class political alternative.”
Socialist Alternative’s position involves a mass of howling contradictions and outright lies. There are two basic fictions. First, that Sanders, who has allied himself with the Democrats for his entire 26 years in the US Congress and sought to become the party’s presidential candidate, is somehow a genuine “independent” whose socialist pretensions should be taken for good coin. Second, that his campaign, in the words of a statement by Sawant published April 27 on the group’s web site, “actually represents” the workers who have donated to it, and that a party he founded and led would be “a party for the millions, not the millionaires.”
From the onset of its virtual dissolution into the Sanders campaign, Socialist Alternative has sought to obscure or deny certain basic facts: that Sanders pledged at the outset of his campaign that he would support the eventual Democratic candidate; that he has explicitly defended capitalist private ownership of the banks and corporations; and that he has repeatedly praised and held up as a model the Obama administration, which has overseen a record growth of social inequality.
Now that Sanders has essentially conceded the nomination to Clinton, Socialist Alternative is promoting another fiction: that independent working class-politics is simply a matter of an organizational break with the Democratic Party. There are all sorts of parties that are nominally independent of the Democratic Party and are nevertheless bourgeois parties that defend American capitalism and US imperialism—the Green Party being one of them.
Real working-class political independence is a question of program, history and the class interests objectively represented by the organization. To claim that a politician such as Sanders, who has for decades loyally supported one of the two main parties of Wall Street and the Pentagon, and proven his utility in diverting social discontent into harmless channels, can become the leader of a genuine workers’ party is to engage in the political equivalent of alchemy. Those who promote such ideas are liars and con artists, not socialists.
It is worthwhile examining in greater detail what Socialist Alternative actually writes. The April 27 statement by Sawant begins with gross a distortion of reality. She states: “Despite all the obstacles thrown in the path of Bernie Sanders by the corrupted American electoral system, his campaign has made an enormous impact.”
What obstacles? It would be more accurate to say Sanders has been accorded the red carpet treatment. He has had widespread media access, has been invited to participate in numerous nationally televised debates, and has been the target of notably little redbaiting, from either party. Genuine socialist candidates, who oppose the capitalist system, its two major parties and American imperialism, are confronted with impossible hurdles, legal and otherwise, merely to obtain ballot status. They are all but blacked out by the media and regularly excluded from election debates.
Socialist Alternative, however, wants to portray Sanders as an insurgent outsider battling the system in order to mask its own de facto support for the Democratic Party.
That Sawant and her organization, for all their talk of independent “left” and even “socialist” politics, back the Democrats emerges clearly from the manner in which she promotes Sanders. She denounces the Democratic establishment not on any principled socialist basis, but for making it more difficult to defeat the Republicans in the general election. She writes: “Rather than support the candidate who is best positioned to stop Trump and the Republicans,” namely Sanders, they are backing Clinton.
For all its criticism of Clinton, Socialist Alternative is already lined up behind the “anyone but Trump” mantra that will be a major aspect of her right-wing campaign. Its web site prominently features a graphic with the slogan, “Stop Trump.”
If there is any doubt about this, consider the following passage: “If electing a Republican is really Bernie’s main concern, there is no reason he could not at least run in the 40 + states where it’s absolutely clear the Democratic or Republican candidate will win, while not putting his name on the 5-10 closely contested ‘swing states.’”
Here Sawant puts into Sanders’ mouth the position of her own organization: that a so-called “independent left” Sanders campaign should run only in those states where it will not jeopardize a victory for Clinton and the Democrats.
Sawant goes on to argue that without an independent Sanders campaign, Trump will capture the antiestablishment anger that has erupted onto the surface of the 2016 election campaign. “While Trump might not win the election,” she writes, “support for hard-right populist politics will grow if there is no fighting left alternative offered.”
In fact, as history has demonstrated again and again, the surest guarantee of the growth of right-wing parties and movements is the subordination of the working class to bourgeois “left” politicians and parties. This historical law has been demonstrated most graphically in the recent period in the bitter experience of the Greek working class with the supposedly “left” Syrzia party. Throughout Europe, right-wing and neo-fascist parties are gaining strength due to the militarist and socially reactionary policies of the official “left,” supported by its pseudo-left satellites.
A second article, posted on April 28 and titled “Time for Bernie to Launch a New Party for the 99%,” is, if anything, even more grotesque in its opportunism. It completely identifies Socialist Alternative with Sanders, warning that if the Vermont senator “remains loyal to the Democratic Party and backs Clinton in the general election, it would mean the demoralization and disorganization of our movement.” [Emphasis added].
In other words, the future of Socialist Alternative’s “working-class movement” depends entirely on the decision of a politician who explicitly defends capitalist property and has functioned for decades as a loyal appendage of the Democratic Party.
The article goes on to urge Sanders to “call a mass conference of his supporters to democratically debate whether to endorse Clinton or continue as an independent.” It praises a petition titled “A Love Letter to Bernie” that “calls on Bernie to turn his two-million-strong donor base into a democratic membership organization that runs ‘democratic socialist candidates’ at all levels of government.”
The article explicitly backs Sanders’ reactionary promotion of economic nationalism and trade war policies, hailing his demand to “stop job-killing free trade agreements.” This nationalist component to Socialist Alternative’s politics is by no means incidental. It is, on the contrary, central to its enthusiastic support for a capitalist politician and, more basically, capitalist politics.
There is, in the course of these two articles, no mention of a single political development beyond the borders of the United States. Nor is there any mention of Sanders’ foreign policy. This in an election over which looms the explosive growth of militarism and the mounting danger of a third world war.
In its silence on this question of questions, Socialist Alternative is complicit with both capitalist parties and the corporate-controlled media, which have systematically excluded from the campaign the advanced plans for a far-reaching escalation of the wars in the Middle East and stepped-up aggression against nuclear-armed Russia and China, to be implemented after the November vote, regardless which party emerges victorious.
Sanders’ economic nationalism is part of the growth of militarism and is consistent with his pro-imperialist and pro-war foreign policy. Sanders does not like to speak on foreign policy, but just in the past two weeks, when pressed by an interviewer, he acknowledged that he supports President Obama’s “kill list” and drone assassination program and the administration’s six-fold increase in US troops in Syria.
In January, somewhat embarrassed by Sanders’ remarks in support of Obama’s war policy, Socialist Alternative published a damage-control article titled “Sanders’ Foreign Policy Falls Short: Socialism Means Internationalism.” But in seeking, entirely hypocritically, to distance itself from Sanders’ support for US imperialism, the article revealed the real position of the organization when it declared that Sanders’ defense of American aggression “does not negate the enormously progressive aspects of his campaign…”
As though it is possible for someone to oppose the “billionaire class” at home while supporting its crimes and depredations abroad! Genuine socialists insist that the interests of workers in any country are identical to those of workers in every other country, and that no national contingent of the working class can defend its rights except in a common struggle with workers internationally against their common class enemy.
There is no iron wall between the foreign and domestic policy of the capitalist class. War abroad, conducted to secure for the corporate oligarchy access to resources, markets and cheap labor, is always accompanied by repression and social reaction at home. Sanders’ support for US imperialism overseas exposes as fraudulent his supposed opposition to Wall Street and support for workers within the US.
And Socialist Alternative’s alliance with Sanders and the Democrats, notwithstanding its radical and even socialist phrases, exposes it as a pro-capitalist and pro-war organization of the privileged middle class, hostile to the interests of working people.
Note to Commenters
Due to severe hacking attacks in the recent past that brought our site down for up to 11 days with considerable loss of circulation, we exercise extreme caution in the comments we publish, as the comment box has been one of the main arteries to inject malicious code. Because of that comments may not appear immediately, but rest assured that if you are a legitimate commenter your opinion will be published within 24 hours. If your comment fails to appear, and you wish to reach us directly, send us a mail at: editor@greanvillepost.com
We apologize for this inconvenience.
=SUBSCRIBE TODAY! NOTHING TO LOSE, EVERYTHING TO GAIN.=
free • safe • invaluable
Nauseated by the
vile corporate media?
Had enough of their lies, escapism,
omissions and relentless manipulation?
Send a donation to
The Greanville Post–or
But be sure to support YOUR media.
If you don’t, who will?