You can read the document here, or, if that fails because the US mandarins have suddenly disappeared it, here. Comments by lucid minds are attached.
Exceptional State reasoning:
China does not show expected signs of wanting to be just like us.
Conclusion: We need to modernise our nuclear weapons.
Logical, no? —Diana Johnstone
This American official anti-China stance is not recent and not a Trump anomaly. It is a product of the MIC which does no business with China, in fact competes against China in the arms market (as it does with Russia), and depends on enemies to make its living. Given the MIC's mesmerizing hold over America since the [end of ] WW2, their policy is therefore supported by everyone in the American swamp. If CCP is sharp and I believe they are because it didn't take penetrating analysis for me to notice it, they should have been preparing for this day since Xi took office, probably earlier. I believe that Xi's tenure has been extended indefinitely and his exercise of raw power to clean house at the highest level of government, are the clues of CCP's reactions to US anti-China intentions.
In fact, selecting Xi could be the reaction of the CCP preparing for the day it cannot pretend to be small any more. Make no mistake, cleaning house for CCP is a difficult and thankless task, at times dangerous. Others such as Zhu Rongji and Hu jintao have tried before but with limited success. Cleaning house takes away a lot of people's cheese and upsets a lot of powerful people's apple-carts. China is a big place with a lot of people. There are millions of soldiers, military police, and civil police. The CCP is a big party running a big country in a complicated world. The house cleaning must be done delicately and with finesse, so that the CCP does not harm itself in the process. Certainly there has been a lot of corruption (what do you expect from humans?), but the most dangerous are the CCP officials who have been corrupted and manipulated by their Western friends. China must be defended in the coming battle by a clean CCP house. Xi was selected as the best person to do the job and he was given the power to do the job. It takes a brave man to do what Xi has done. Xi was not the head of any clique nor was he involved in any plot to seize power. He was just well supported by the elders at the top rungs of the CCP power structure. At this point, China under Xi is well positioned to face down the US under Trump, or under any other imbecile the American people decide to elect as their next leader. We'll see. — Peter Man
Com os meus melhores cumprimentos.
United States Strategic Approach to The People’s Republic of China
Introduction
Since the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) established diplomatic relations in 1979, United States policy toward the PRC was largely premised on a hope that deepening engagement would spur fundamental economic and political opening in the PRC and lead to its emergence as a constructive and responsible global stakeholder, with a more open society. More than 40 years later, it has become evident that this approach underestimated the will of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to constrain the scope of economic and political reform in China. Over the past two decades, reforms have slowed, stalled, or reversed. The PRC’s rapid economic development and increased engagement with the world did not lead to convergence with the citizen-centric, free and open order as the United States had hoped. The CCP has chosen instead to exploit the free and open rules based order and attempt to reshape the international system in its favor. Beijing openly acknowledges that it seeks to transform the international order to align with CCP interests and ideology. The CCP’s expanding use of economic, political, and military power to compel acquiescence from nation states harms vital American interests and undermines the sovereignty and dignity of countries and individuals around the world.
To respond to Beijing’s challenge, the Administration has adopted a competitive approach to the PRC, based on a clear-eyed assessment of the CCP’s intentions and actions, a reappraisal of the United States’ many strategic advantages and shortfalls, and a tolerance of greater bilateral friction. Our approach is not premised on determining a particular end state for China. Rather, our goal is to protect United States vital national interests, as articulated in the four pillars of the 2017 National Security Strategy of the United States of America (NSS). We aim to: (1) protect the American people, homeland, and way of life; (2) promote American prosperity; (3) preserve peace through strength; and (4) advance American influence.
Our competitive approach to the PRC has two objectives: first, to improve the resiliency of our institutions, alliances, and partnerships to prevail against the challenges the PRC presents; and second, to compel Beijing to cease or reduce actions harmful to the United States’ vital, national interests and those of our allies and partners. Even as we compete with the PRC, we welcome cooperation where our interests align. Competition need not lead to confrontation or conflict. The United States has a deep and abiding respect for the Chinese people and enjoys longstanding ties to the country. We do not seek to contain China’s development, nor do we wish to disengage from the Chinese people. The United States expects to engage in fair competition with the PRC, whereby both of our nations, businesses, and individuals can enjoy security and prosperity.
Prevailing in strategic competition with the PRC requires cooperative engagement with multiple stakeholders, and the Administration is committed to building partnerships to United States Strategic Approach to The People’s Republic of China 2 protect our shared interests and values. Vital partners of this Administration include the Congress, state and local governments, the private sector, civil society, and academia. The Congress has been speaking out through hearings, statements, and reports that shed light on the CCP’s malign behavior. The Congress also provides legal authorities and resources for the United States Government to take the actions to achieve our strategic objectives. The Administration also recognizes the steps allies and partners have taken to develop more clear-eyed and robust approaches toward the PRC, including the European Union’s publication in March 2019 of EU-China: A Strategic Outlook, among others. The United States is also building cooperative partnerships and developing positive alternatives with foreign allies, partners, and international organizations to support the shared principles of a free and open order. Specific to the Indo-Pacific region, many of these initiatives are described in documents such as the Department of Defense June 2019 IndoPacific Strategy Report and the Department of State November 2019 report on A Free and Open Indo-Pacific: Advancing a Shared Vision. The United States is working in concert with mutually aligned visions and approaches such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nation’s Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, Japan’s free and open Indo-Pacific vision, India’s Security and Growth for All in the Region policy, Australia’s Indo-Pacific concept, the Republic of Korea’s New Southern Policy, and Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy.
Yada, yada, yada.
READ ON
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