=By= Frank Scott

The Paris meeting of national officials united to save capitalism by re-branding climate change was challenged by outside demonstrators from all over the world calling for system change. The people were way ahead of their governments. Whether called revolutionary by supporters or disastrous by opponents, what should rightly be called COP-OUT 21 came to a final agreement that means business as usual. Private profits continue to come before any consideration of public loss and that is the root of the problem for humanity.

By slightly slowing the pace of earth drowning under carbonation through “advising” less carbon creation offered as much a solution to our problem as continued pouring of raw sewage into our drinking water offers planetary health as long as we slow the rate at which diseased slop oozes into our reservoirs.

While the world’s foremost polluters figure out how to continue sucking fossil fuel out of the earth and only change its market pricing structure as an effort to slow down its use, outside demands for leaving that fuel underground and switching to alternative energy sources grow in passion, logic and necessity. Switching from fuel burning energy to wind, geothermal and solar power spells calamity for financial empires built on coal, oil and war, but mean salvation for our race. The ruling powers of finance capital wont stand for that but we can’t tolerate anything less, no matter what mental and physical havoc their media and military minions help them carry out. We cannot go on this way, and it isn’t only the recently arrived problem of climate change – it’s actually been around and criticized for generations – but all the negative things this anti-democratic economy does, which have also been criticized for generations.

The future of humanity calls for an end to the system of private profit and public loss that has brought wonderful lives to many – as did feudalism and slavery – but misery and deprivation to even more, with the number of humans carrying the loss rising dangerously as profits grow for an ever smaller population.

In less than a generation we have gone from worshipping a millionaire minority and relying on their philanthropy, rather than taxing them, to help majorities with much less, to groveling before a much smaller billionaire minority and relying on their philanthropy to help even greater majorities with much less, rather than taxing them. This staggering progress in our democracy is very much like the tremendous gains we have made in falsely identifying people by race and moving from calling some fellow humans “colored people” back in the dumb 20th century to calling them “people of color” in the brilliant 21st. And interestingly, far more “people of color” are locked up in our penal colonies and have been shot dead by our police than was the case when they were lowly “colored people”. Progress for some who jumped into a few openings in the upper middle class was accompanied by far more sinking into worse poverty and social exclusion than was the sordid case before. Affirmative action indeed, but for how many? And at what cost?

That is how this system works at all times. Some profit while others lose. Always. We’re told it’s nature but we were once ignorant enough to think slavery was also natural. We at least seemed to learn that wasn’t the case. Now, we have to learn to understand all the contradictions of running society according to these warped rules of minority domination or we will lose society itself, for everyone.

The exact same economic process has been at work for “people of no color”, though even without skin tone bigotry it is almost bizarre to attribute privilege, as in “white privilege” to all who share one or another complexion with little notice to the size of their bank accounts and their social stratification. Economics rule the nation and economic privilege is enjoyed by a minority, with bigotry and injustice dealt out with meaner outcomes to various groups but with full equality of divide and conquer rule that assures minorities acting for minorities means the smallest minority – the rich – maintains power and control of everything that matters. Especially humans reduced to powerless pawns, only able to operate for some members of one or another identity group, but never able to work together as a functioning democracy in deed and not merely word.

This system has created abundant comfort for many and incredible amounts of lethal garbage for most, inconceivably increasing financial fortunes for a dwindling-in-number class of royal rich and a fast expanding number of poor with re-branded as middle class workers sinking into categories of working poor, unemployed and homeless.

This has been going on since long before science “discovered” climate change, enlightened capital figured out how to use it to make money, and the reactionary pinheads, boneheads and brain-dead used their opposition to organize the innocent. But 150 years ago Karl Marx did an extensive analysis of this system. He spoke of all its positives and mostly negatives, calling attention to what capitalism was doing and would do to people and the earth if it wasn’t stopped. Think about chemicals in our food “products”, imported cheap labor, exported jobs, unions reduced to a tiny segment of the population, increasing poverty and all the present talk of threatening environmental factors, and consider this:

Capitalist production… disturbs the metabolic interaction between man and the earth, i.e. prevents the return to the soil of its constituent elements consumed by man in the form of food and clothing; it therefore violates the conditions necessary to lasting fertility of the soil…. The social combination and organization of the labor processes is turned into an organized mode of crushing out the workman’s individual vitality, freedom and independence.… Moreover, all progress in capitalist agriculture is a progress in the art, not only of robbing the worker, but of robbing the soil; all progress in increasing the fertility of the soil for a given time is a progress towards ruining the more long-lasting sources of that fertility. The more a country starts its development on the foundation of modern industry, like the United States, for example, the more rapid is this process of destruction. Capitalist production, therefore, develops technology…only by sapping the original sources of all wealth—the soil and the worker.

That’s a very brief quote from a three-volume work. Much too long for a tweet but hopefully understandable to anyone but a twit. Capitalism is an old, outmoded, abusive system that needs to be changed for the salvation of humanity. Marx could see that fact a long, long time ago. We’d better learn and act on it, now, before it’s too late.

Frank Scott writes political commentary which appears in print in the Coastal Post and The Independent Monitor and online at the blog Legalienate.

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=By= Justin Gardner

While American bureaucrats claim that heavy interventions in the Middle East are somehow beneficial for the increasingly volatile region, the US military (and CIA) continues its decades-old tradition of creating more terrorists than it kills.

In the 1980s the CIA armed and trained mujahideen fighters in Afghanistan during America’s cold war with Russia, and these Islamic militants went on to become al-Qaida, the premier terror threat to the US.

Several years ago, the Pentagon began supporting opposition forces in Syria, including a group known as the Salafists, to further the US goal of taking out the Assad government. The Pentagon expressed its desire for Islamic militants to establish a “declared or undeclared Salafist principality in eastern Syria.” These violent fundamentalists morphed into ISIS, the current terror group spreading death and fear in the region and now across the world.

Back in Afghanistan, amid talk of US military “drawdowns,” the American military has nurtured one Afghan paramilitary group that is being accused of “civilian killings, torture, questionable detentions, arbitrary arrests and use of excessive force in controversial night raids.”

The Khost Protection Force (KPF) is a highly secretive collection of local Afghans used to fight a shadow war in eastern Afghanistan, near the Pakistani tribal region and Taliban stronghold. They were lured into the proxy service of the CIA with promises of better pay, equipment and conditions than the Afghan army. And just like the CIA, they enjoy virtual immunity.

“In Khost, the KPF is more influential than the Afghan army and police, and unaccountable to the provincial government, often acting outside normal chains of command. Locally, militias such as the KPF are called “campaign forces,” an informal name Afghans use for pro-government armed groups.”

The Washington Post interviewed “witnesses of six separate attacks by the militia in the past year, as well as court documents in the only known legal case filed against the unit, after one or more of its men shot dead a 14-year-old boy. Three former commanders of the unit, known as the KPF, tribal elders, lawmakers, lawyers, activists and local government officials with direct knowledge of the force and the CIA’s role were also interviewed.”

One man described how the KPF shot his father dead as he opened the gate to their home, then threw a grenade inside which killed his mother. The farmer and housewife were supposedly mistaken for others who were suspected of trafficking guns.

Several other accounts tell of “English being spoken by armed men who had translators with them, suggesting American operatives were present during assaults where extreme force was used.”

According to sources, the CIA still directs KPF operations, pays salaries, and provides training and equipment. CIA operatives will travel with the KPF during raids, ready to call in warplane or drone strikes.

While US and Afghan spokespersons praise the KPF as being essential to the fight against the Taliban, local residents are growing more outraged by the killings of their friends and family by US proxy fighters. Hundreds protested last month in the streets of Khost City, marching toward Camp Chapman with the bodies of two civilians killed by the KPF.

“Death to Americans,” they chanted. “Death to American slaves.”

The juggernaut of US imperialism continues unabated in the Middle East. Funding and arming paramilitary forces is an essential part of the strategy to maintain control of the region, yet it simultaneously breeds the hatred that fuels terrorism. However, this plays right into the hands of puppet masters and the military-industrial complex, for it guarantees the continued existence of a bogeyman, which perpetuates the necessary fear in the populace while feeding the profits of those making bombs and bullets.

Justin Gardner writes for TheFreeThoughtProject.com

Source
Article: Activist Post.
Lead Graphic: Shadow warriors in Afghanistan – Khost Protection Force (KPF) (Activist Post)

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FRACKING HUMANS
=By= Amy Goodman interviews Kandi Mossett

“What we’re dealing with is a death by a thousand cuts,” says North Dakota indigenous leader Kandi Mossett of the impact of the booming fracking and oil-drilling industry in her home state. “We’ve had violence against women increase by 168 percent, particularly in the area of rape,” Mossett says. “We have 14-, 15- and 16-year-old girls that are willingly going into man camps [for oil workers] and selling themselves.” She says the full impact of toxins from oil drilling won’t be felt for another 20 years. “I’m so worried that at this COP21 my two-and-a-half-year-old daughter won’t have a say, but she will be experiencing the worst impacts. It just doesn’t make any sense to me that this is the 21st COP and we are considered sacrifice zones in my community.”

TRANSCRIPT

AMY GOODMAN: And what do you face particularly in North Dakota? Can you talk about the issue of, for example, fracking?

KANDI MOSSETT: Right. I mean, prior to fracking, we had seven coal-fired power plants, so we’re all dealing with mercury contamination and cancers from that. And then enter fracking around 2007, and what we’re dealing with is a death by a thousand cuts. We have people that are literally on the front lines being killed by all of the semi traffic, by the increase in violence against women. Ever since we’ve had the oil industry enter, we’ve had these jobs that were created, but there were 11,000 jobs created and over 10,000 people that came into our state. And we’ve had violence against women increase by 168 percent, particularly in the area of rape. We have 14-, 15- and 16-year-old girls that are willingly going into man camps and selling themselves.

AMY GOODMAN: Man camps?

KANDI MOSSETT: We call them that because there are literally thousands of men living in these hovels. They’re like FEMA trailers or RV parks or wherever they can find space, that used to be a wheat field or a sunflower field, is now an oil-fracking operation. And so we’ve seen an increase greatly of crime and violence, drug abuse. I have buried two young girls, my friends, this last year, who got addicted to the heroin, because we now have organized crime. As far as the environmental toxins, we won’t even feel the effects for 20 years. And I’m so worried that at this COP21 my two-and-a-half-year-old daughter won’t have a say, but she will be experiencing the worst impacts. And it just doesn’t make any sense to me that this is the 21st COP and we are considered sacrifice zones in my community.

AMY GOODMAN: Kandi, you, yourself, are a cancer survivor?

KANDI MOSSETT: Yes. When I was going to school, when I was in college, I was diagnosed with a stage IV sarcoma tumor, which—I shouldn’t even be here today. When they diagnosed me, I had to wait for nearly a month so they could figure out what it was. And when they did, they said I was lucky that it wasn’t attached to my muscle or my bone. And so, I went through five surgeries. I have a huge scar as a result of that, and I always have to be worried that it could come back. But I’m here, and I do have friends that aren’t here, that didn’t survive their cancers, that are fighting cancer right now. And it’s obvious to me that it’s inextricably linked between health, climate and environment. And we’re dealing with it on the front lines.

AMY GOODMAN: Kandi, I want to ask you—there is a large indigenous civil society presence here.

KANDI MOSSETT: There is.

AMY GOODMAN: What kind of hope does that give you? What has the kind of organizing you’ve been doing here over the last two weeks mean? And who have you been organizing with?

KANDI MOSSETT: I’ve been spending a lot of my time on the outside. As the Indigenous Environmental Network, we have to have an inside-outside strategy. We feel like we have to be in here, because there’s a quote that goes around: “If you’re not at the table, you’re on the menu.” And we’ve sort of felt like we need to be at the table, although we’re starting to get to the point where we want to denounce the entire COP process and not even validate it by participating, because every year for 21 years people have said, “It’s going to be a great agreement, we’re really excited for it,” and then, at the end, everybody feels this way—frustrated with the final text.

And so, what we’ve been doing is organizing nonviolent direct actions. We’ve been going out into the streets of Paris. We’ve been meeting with our Parisian brothers and sisters. And brothers and sisters of the Global North and South have been coming together to stand in solidarity with people from around the world to say, “We don’t care what’s in your text and written in black and white on paper. We’re going to take back the power in our communities by educating people outside with the reality of life, Mother Nature. We’re going to be outside feeling the sun on our face and the wind on our cheeks.” That is where it matters, not in this sterile place where there’s boxes that were built, where people were displaced here to make this COP21 happen. We’re going to be outside reconnecting with our Mother Earth, because when we care for her, she cares for us.

Kandi Mossett is an indigenous activist from North Dakota and an organizer with the Indigenous Environmental Network.Bio

Source
Article: DemocracyNow! 

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=By= Ramzy Baroud, PhD

Throughout her hunger strike, that of exactly 47 days, Hana Shalabi never slept consistently for a number of hours. In the first few days of her strike, she would doze off only to wake up with the sudden fear that someone was trying to hurt her.  

But after the first week of the hunger strike, having nothing but a few sips of water a day, her body simply ceased to function in any normal way. So, instead of sleeping, she would fall into a state of delirium, overtaken by frenzied hallucination where memories and persisting future fears coalesced into a sonata of night terror. 

I interviewed Hana recently, through a series of discussions that extended for hours, trying to understand what compelled her to risk her life to obtain conditional freedom in Gaza, and to present her story as a showcase for the phenomena of hunger strikes as a form of political struggle inside Israeli prisons. Currently over 7,000 Palestinian prisoners are held in Israeli prisons, over 500 of them without trial.  

Hana was born on the 7^th of February, 1982, the same year that Palestinian factions were driven out from Lebanon and the refugees of the Sabra and Shatila Camps were slaughtered en-masse. When her father, Yahya, and her mother, Badia, were finished with having children, the final tally was ten. Of the six females, Hana was somewhere in the middle, after Najah, Salam and Huda, and before Wafa and Zahira. Samir was the youngest of the brothers, and only two years older than Hana.  

Hana’s family originally came from Haifa. They were exiled from that beautiful port city, along with hundreds of thousands who today constitute the bulk of Palestinian refugees. After a relatively brief but arduous journey, they settled in the village of Burqin, not far away from Safad in the north, and adjacent to the town and refugee camp of Jenin. 

Burqin, tucked gently near the Marj Ibn Amer Valley, offered the Shalabis a temporary respite from an otherwise harsh existence. But that relief was rudely interrupted when Hana was still a child. She was eight years old, chewing on a hearty sandwich of Za’tar and eggs when a boy named Mohammed, from the neighborhood, dashed towards her as fast as he could.  

He fell on his knees and whispered to her for the last time, “Please help me.” She stood motionless. When he finally collapsed, a large hole in the back of his head revealed itself. He had been shot by the Israeli army moments earlier. That took place during the first uprising, and the boy was one of many who were killed in Burgin. Hana joined the rebellion by collecting rocks for the boys who confronted soldiers as they raided the village almost daily.  

Hana, now 33, speaks of these memories with the same purity of a child who was swept with the euphoria of a revolution, which she barely comprehended in any articulate sense. She was angry at the death of Mohammed, and that was that.  

She grew up angry, a rage that was reflected in many people all around her. Her brother, Omar, had joined the Black Panthers, whose members were all sons of peasants and cheap Arab laborers in Israel. They met in caves deep in the mountains and used to hide there for days before descending upon the villages, masked and armed, to declare strikes and to mobilize the people to rebel. But when Omar was injured during a nightly skirmish with the soldiers, the secret became known to everyone, including her livid father, Yahya, who realized that his constant attempts to keep his kids out of trouble had failed horribly.  

The story of Omar was repeated, time and again, among her other siblings, who were almost all involved in the Resistance in various capacities. Huda, the older sister, was jailed for allegedly attempting to stab a solider, soon after her fiancé was ambushed and killed by the Israeli army. His name was Mohammed al-Sadi. He was killed while on his way to officially propose.  Huda learned of his murder on the radio.  

Samir was the youngest of the boys. Soldiers, who raided the Shalabi family home often, terrified him. He hid under the bed as they destroyed everything in the house, tore his school books and urinated in their olive oil containers. At 13, he left school and, a few years later, he brandished a gun and joined the Resistance, living mostly in the mountains. When the Israeli army killed him, he was one of 17 others marked for death, all fighters with various factions. He was killed, along with a comrade of his, near the valley where Samir spent many of his days playing as a boy and helping his father care for their land.  

Samir was an avid horseman, and Hana grew up to love horses, as well. However, she resisted her father’s incessant attempt at persuading her to become a veterinarian. She wanted to study law in Tunisia, a dream that is yet to be fulfilled.

Samir was her best friends. They shared secrets, and just before he marched off to his last battle, he had asked her to make sure that his coffin was covered with flowers, especially red Hanoun, that grew wild all around Burgin. She kept her promise.  

Shortly after Samir was killed in 2005, Hana was arrested by the Palestinian Authority who accused her of plotting an attack on Israel to avenge her brother. They interrogated her for many days, and when she denied the accusation, a Palestinian officer slapped her across her face until it grew numb and she fell to the ground.  

Later, the Israelis arrested her. They kept her in an underground dungeon and subjected her to months of relentless physical and psychological torture. When this, too, failed, they sentenced her to six months of administrative detention that was renewed several times. After spending years in captivity, she was freed on 18^th of October, 2011 from HaSharon Prison. Her release, and that of hundreds of others, was the outcome of an agreement between Hamas and Israel, after which an Israeli soldier, who was captured by the Resistance years ago, was also set free. 

The celebration lasted for months; when it subsided, she was arrested again and thrown in jail. Her latest experience was even more humiliating, details of which are divulged reservedly by Hana. On the day of her second arrest, on the 16^th of February 2012, her jailors were particularly brutal, but she was also exceptionally determined.  Israeli newspaper, ‘Yediot Ahronot’ claimed that Hana was plotting to kidnap a solider, but Hana had no patience to engage her interrogators in a discussion. Instead, she went on a hunger strike that lasted for 47 days. Her main demand was her freedom. 

In the latter stage of her strike, when death was looming, she opened her eyes in an Israeli hospital where her arms and legs were chained to the bed. She was in Haifa, a discovery that brought a smile on her lips. “This is the land from which my family came,” she said softly as her smile grew wider.  Her declaration was communicated to the guards and, in turn, to the prison authority, which immediately ordered her removal to outside Haifa. Hana had never visited Haifa and, for a fleeing moment, had settled with the joyful idea of dying there.  

Following a deal signed under suspicious conditions and involving the PA, she ended her hunger strike in exchange for her freedom, but only to be deported to the Gaza Strip. The agreement stated that Hana was to be repatriated to the West Bank three years later, but she never did, and neither Israel nor the PA honored their side of the agreement.  

Hana insists on embracing life, even within the confines of war-torn and besieged Gaza. “If I don’t, the Israelis win. I cannot give them that satisfaction,” she told me. “Resistance is insisting on living and thriving, despite the pain.”  

She still dreams of having the opportunity to travel and explore life beyond the familiar horizon of life under siege.  

(This article is based on a chapter entitled: Death Note, in my forthcoming book on people’s history of Palestine.)  

Ramzy Baroud, PhD has been writing about the Middle East for over 20 years. He is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant, an author of several books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His books include ‘Searching Jenin’, ‘The Second Palestinian Intifada’ and his latest ‘My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story’. His website is: www.ramzybaroud.net.  

Lead Graphic: Hana Shalabi and her father from The Palestine Chronicle.

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TRIBUTE
=By= José M. Tirado
Dept of Energy

WE WALK ON FIRE

(In memory of John Trudell, Feb. 15, 1946 – Dec. 8, 2015)

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]here is fire beneath our feet,
it doesn´t warm, it burns-
we plant seeds of red fire and
walk on scorched Earth:
Mother, Father, giver of food of medicine,
of Life, but
We walk on fire now…

Black tar waters, poisoned fish,
the running streams are sick, the lakes emptied.
Water tables are set with bones,
dinner is served cold
over a cauldron of Death,
meat for the masses.
We walk on fire now…

A foot from his stomach
an extra head, no eyes,
no brains in Brownsville , either,
(no heart anywhere).
Others walk on bended knees
set securely with metal pins
their faces masks of pain
their bodies Agent Orange suckled…
all over they are there watching us,
haunting consciences, such as there are left…
we walk on fire now…

They´ll battle it here
they´ll battle it there
barrels and bomblets on
bakeries and babies,
(the wedding crashers of the West)
flatten with their lackies
girls in their frilly dresses and
little boys on the beach
a hand, a finger, a fist,
there is no justification for
any of this-
we walk on fire now…

Purity drowns near Lesvos´ beaches
washes up with sneakers and jacket still on
and cameras carry the cries into homes
far away, tuning in
for a mini-series or politician´s lies
before tuning out
and turning away.
Turning away…
Always, turning away…
We walk on fire now…

A long way away from hope,
where the stars
are dimmer,
the oceans warmer, now Beijing produces
bricks from dirty air.
A plastic fork is taken from a tortoises ´nose,
a dead bird has plastic toys and paper clips
in its ripped belly,
alligators swim near golf clubs,
(Ojala! they would eat well there!)

Along Amazonian waters yellowed debris
and black poison feed the living
while the dead atop mountains are displayed,
glaciers revealing their dwindling goods.

Fire now.
We walk on fire now…

A world ablaze and spirits dying
We walk with bare feet on bare lands
while fire burns the hearts
and the soles of our feet
never touching the ground
never touching
the ground
in love…
never touching the ground
as we walk,
we walk on fire
to the never receding horizon
lit by different fires
coming near
burning us in the Fire
we will never walk on again.

José M. Tirado is a Puertorican poet, Buddhist priest, and political writer living in Hafnarfjorður, Iceland, known for its elves, “hidden people” and lava fields. His articles and poetry have been featured in CounterPunch, Cyrano´s Journal, The Galway Review, Dissident Voice, La Respuesta, Op-Ed News, among others. He can be reached at tirado.jm@gmail.com.

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