Fragments—the preface

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AUTHOR’S PREFACE


FRAGMENTS is a political-historical novel. Also, as are most novels, Fragments is partially autobiographical in the sense of Montaigne’s words that “my novel and I are one.” Fragments is marked by much introspection and self-analysis, in which the protagonist attempts to reduce the gap between the reality of current events and his world of fantasy. Remembrances play a major role in this story: remembrances—true or invented—as do politics and history—also true or invented.

Fragments is in essence a political novel: the two major occurrences are the very real and brutal G8-WTO conference in Genoa in 2001, relived through the eyes of the journalist, Gael Gaffney, and the partially invented Regime Change Revolution, or, as he, the protagonist, calls it, the Tricolor Revolution—after the colors of the Italian flag—launched in the fateful year of 2001 in Italy and orchestrated by the CIA. Throughout the story, the reader sees CIA operatives conducting their nefarious activities of, in their own words, “running the country of Italy”.

In the latter context, the novel tells the story of the US/NATO secret army of Gladio and show it in action as the “secret army” it is, however fictionally this time, located in southern Italy’s Aspromonte Mountains.

This novel is also historical in that it deals with fragments of European history from the 1970s up to the year 2001, plus an undetermined period in the aftermath of that epochal year. Thus, it includes the era of the European terrorism of the seventies and eighties, the continuous and profound interference of the USA in European affairs, the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union and the crimes of the Yeltsin period in Russia and the arrival of Russian President, Vladimir Putin.

Moreover, since Fragments is conceived as a “Rome novel”, the author has permitted himself several flashbacks of Ancient Rome. Fragments shows that the Romanism of Ancient Rome is the forerunner of Americanism. The story of Ancient Rome shows that many things change less than we sometimes believe and prompt repetition of the biblical saying that “there is nothing new under the sun.”
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Fragments does NOT fit neatly into the traditional form of the novel, as it alternates between novel and history and political thought. This approach, in turn, opens up new perspectives of thought in which the reader may find himself on frequently shifting sands: a combination of political thought, history, fictional fantasy, and autobiography, in which the barriers between fiction and non-fiction fall. This liberation from the restrictions of genre, linearity, time and space opens vast new territories for the writer who continually encounters scattered fragments of himself in his free passage from one genre to the other—even fantasizing the reality of real historical-political occurrences or transforming his fantasies into reality—while, at the same time, not sacrificing truth for effect or genre.

Rightfully, the protagonist, Gael Gaffney, the Irish name given him by his pure Irish father—who advises him “to get the fuck out of Providence and learn Gaelic”—in fact abandons his native USA. Already as a young man, Gael follows his father’s advice and departs for Europe. At the same time, Gael is also the son of a pure Italian mother who spoke Italian to him as a child, a background which convinces him to move from Germany to Italy. Both parents thus transmit to him an aptitude for foreign languages and curiosity about foreign lands. His problem, like the author’s, is that writing literary fiction, which this book is, and which Gael seems destined to write—needs a linguistic source. As a journalist Gael writes with a literary flair and in languages that are not his first language, English. Perhaps for that reason he tends toward colorful and somewhat fictive words which prompt others to counsel him to switch métiers to fiction. The author himself has lived in non-English-speaking countries nearly his entire adult life and now for the last decades in an Italian-speaking milieu in which no English is spoken with the result that he tends to construct his own English language vocabulary or imitate the English heard or imagined or read.

The inquiring reader might wonder about Gael’s obsessions. He loves two women. His love for and relationship with the woman he leaves behind in Germany is more than a man’s ordinary love for a woman and their relationship is more than an ordinary love affair, based as it is—he believes—on an unusually powerful and enduring erotic drive and also on insecure Gael’s conviction that Munich is his real home. Consequently, he experiences his relationship with Isabel as obsession. And he comes to be haunted by her catchy warning that he will never get away. Perhaps because of the obsessive quality of his love for left-behind-Isabel, he does not feel really guilty—as he claims—for his decades long deception of Melissa in Rome. Yet he swears to Isabel that he does feel guilty toward Melissa for their secret love affair and accuses her for her lack of guilt toward her husband in Munich, lying to himself in order to attempt to cover up his own guilt.

The remaining question for this preface is that of theme, which will have already occurred to readers. The theme in Fragments, as for most novelists in most of their work, is alienation. Alienation and, in his hero’s case, deracination. Now, these words are not simply some European intellectual playthings. They are serious issues for many of us. Gael’s alienation stems from what he sums up as ‘boredom with America’. Boredom with what he reduces to the routine and the indifference he chooses to leave behind him. During the few pages dedicated to Gael in the United States, the reader comes to feel that Gael suspects there is more to be had out there with the others of the world to whom his fellow Americans seem indifferent. Not that Gael Gaffney is a gregarious and convivial sort. On the contrary. Perhaps because he is a lonely person, his personal alienation and uprootedness transform his life into a search for himself and for a new place as an ersatz for that which he refers as his ur-home.

After his initial love affair with Italy, his mother’s homeland, he meets there the same indifference he had initially mistaken for the mystery of that land’s diversity that the greatest of poets have tried to unravel. In that endeavor they have been no more successful than Italy’s own peoples, who still today fail to understand themselves. Gael discovers that indifference is not only an American sickness but also an European one. And especially very Italian. For him, as for Niemöller, indifference came to mean ‘no difference.’ He concludes that indifference is destroying European society as it has that of his former homeland: that looking away from the victims and from the losers; the closing of eyes to social injustice and to the abyss between rich and poor; and to the resurgence of Fascism. The general indifference to war. The popular indifference to public corruption.

From Gael’s awareness of the general indifference emerges his awareness of a missing quality that has perturbed him throughout his life, a result of his American origins and his involvement in Italian mindset: respect. Respect for his fellowman. He never expresses explicitly his concern about the absence of respect in his daily life—nor does he even use the word respect. Yet its absence is a major even though unspoken driving force in his social critique as seen in his concern for what he calls the others. The others out there—those of different races and skin colors that are not white—obsess his pessimistic world outlook. He sees in fact little hope for the white Euro-Anglo-American race.

Gael insists that the American spirit is not universalistic. The past is America’s enemy, its unwanted traveling companion, whose ghosts are audible in the moment of bursts of truncated laughter. America’s ghosts mourn for the things lost within that irretrievable time, ghosts condemned to wander forever through space in search of those lost things. What fleeting meaning to give to the deceit of the obligatory pledges to respect the symbols of the devastating myth and lie surrounding American democracy in a society in which educated and superficially intelligent people bow down to the god of lie and accept their elite’s version of reality. A society in which the quality of loyalty remains intact even though the objects of that loyalty—the persons and ideas—have changed and become disloyal to its worshippers. Like lost empires, ghostly voices from the past resurface from America’s obscure underworld and merge into some form of consciousness. Secrets from that past do not remain forever secrets—if they are secrets. Actually, Gael thinks, nothing remains secret. Everything in our world, every object and every person, point back toward revelation of the mystery of existence and its one common origin. Thus everything is a copy of something else which is a replica of a replica of a copy of an original one can never pinpoint. Existence turns out to be repetition—and nothing is lost. Mere repetition when he thinks we should spend our short time trying to improve—to change, i.e. to transform.’

Therefore this man’s search for something different—although never outside his own white race, ‘out there’ where he believes he should be, while he also regrets that he is not really one of the others. In this story, he never finds that which he is seeking. Never finds the peace he believes exists also for him. Nor does he even find the perfect replacement for what he thinks of as his ur-home—a permanent place, somewhere beyond his obsession with and attachment to Isabel in München. In the end he rips Isabel away from her roots and carries her to Moscow, which in his gullible vision he thinks will be the end of his search—the result of the injudicious weight he gives to place. He never intends a return to the past.


About the Author
GAITHER STEWART Senior Editor, European Correspondent }  Gaither Stewart serves as The Greanville Post  European correspondent, Special Editor for Eastern European developments, and general literary and cultural affairs correspondent. A retired journalist, his latest book is the essay asnthology BABYLON FALLING (Punto Press, 2017). He’s also the author of several other books, including the celebrated Europe Trilogy (The Trojan Spy, Lily Pad Roll and Time of Exile), all of which have also been published by Punto Press. These are thrillers that have been compared to the best of John le Carré, focusing on the work of Western intelligence services, the stealthy strategy of tension, and the gradual encirclement of Russia, a topic of compelling relevance in our time. He makes his home in Rome, with wife Milena. Gaither can be contacted at gaithers@greanvillepost.com. His latest assignment is as Counseling Editor with the Russia Desk. His articles on TGP can be found here.


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Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” -- acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump -- a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report 




The Atlas Network’s insidious impact on the ground


Originally published:  Peoples Dispatch by Aram Aharonian and Álvaro Verzi Rangel(August 29, 2018)

Aram Aharonian and Álvaro Verzi Rangel, co-directors of the Observatory in Communication and Democracy (OCD) and Latin-American Centre of Strategic Analysis (CLAE), wrote a detailed analysis of the Atlas Network and its deep impact in Latin America. We are sharing a translated version of this article in 2 parts, the first part is about the network itself and the second part addresses specific country cases. Please read them below.

Part 1: Atlas Network, the right-wing libertarians
The capitalist international exists, it mobilizes the right-wing libertarian movement, they are known as “libertarians” and it is obviously very well financed. It works through an immense conglomerate of foundations, institutes, NGOs, centers and societies united by undetectable threads, which include the Atlas Economic Research Foundation or the Atlas Network.

In the Latin American Forum on Liberty of the Atlas Network, held in May 2017 in the luxurious Brick Hotel in Buenos Aires, in the presence of Argentine President Mauricio Macri and the Peruvian-Spanish writer Mario Vargas Llosa, it was discussed how to defeat socialism at all levels, from the battlefields on the university campuses to the mobilization of a country to embrace the removal of a constitutional government, as in Brazil.

It is important to note that several leaders associated with Atlas managed to gain notoriety recently: several ministers of conservative Argentine government, Bolivian senators and leaders of Free Brazil Movement (MBL), who helped to overthrow the president Dilma Rousseff, according to Lee Fang’s thorough report in The Intercept [Sphere of Influence: How American Libertarians Are Remaking Latin American Politics, The Intercept, August 9, 2017].

The network that helped to alter the political power in various countries is a tacit extension of the U.S. foreign policy–the think tanks associated with Atlas are financed by the State Department and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a crucial arm of the American soft power and directly sponsored by the Koch brothers, powerful ultraconservative billionaires [Charles G. Koch and David H. Koch].

The NED and the State Department, which count on public entities working as operation centers and deployment guidelines and funds such as the Pan American Development Foundation (PADF), Freedom House and United States Agency for International Development (USAID), are the major entities who share guidelines and resources, in exchange for concrete results in the asymmetric war in which they participate.

Atlas works with 450 foundations, NGOs, think tanks and advocacy groups, with an operating budget of 5 million U.S. dollars (2016), given by their “charitable and nonprofit” foundations. It has supported among others the MBL and organizations that participated in the offensive in Argentina, such as Creer y Crecer and Pensar foundations, a think tank of Atlas, who joined the party (Republican Proposal, PRO) created by Mauricio Macri; the opposition forces in Venezuela and Sebastian Piñera, right-wing candidate in the Chilean presidential elections.

The network has 13 affiliated entities in Brazil, 12 in Argentina, 8 in Chile and Peru, 5 in Mexico and Costa Rica, 4 in Uruguay, Venezuela, Bolivia and Guatemala, 2 in Dominican Republic, Ecuador and El Salvador and 1 in Colombia, Panama, Bahamas, Jamaica and Honduras.

The leaders of the MBL and the Fundação Eléutera–a group of highly influential neoliberal “experts” in the Honduran post coup d’état scenario–received funding from Atlas and became part of the new generation of political actors who attended training seminars in the U.S.

The “modern” right-wing is the right-wing libertarian movement that today raises the Republican flag, whose actions are based on a deliberate strategy of misinforming the majorities to impose its plutocratic policies and in Latin America, the Atlas Network is their main supporter.


Capitalism apologist Alejandro Chaufen

The promoter of this movement is the multi-millionaire Charles G. Koch, who adopted the thesis of James McGill Buchanan–economist at the University of Chicago and Nobel Prize winner– to disarm the progressive State, with an operative strategy in defense of the sanctity of private property rights and to subdue the government model: for capitalism to prosper, it is necessary to put chains on democracy, he argued.

Some of the 15 most important organizations financed by Koch are: Americans for Prosperity, Cato Institute, Heritage Foundation, American Legislative Exchange Council, Mercatus Center, Americans for Tax Reform, Concerned Veterans of America, Leadership Institute, Generation Opportunity, Institute for Justice, Independent Institute, Club for Growth, Donors Trust, Freedom Partners and Judicial Watch. There are more than 70 such organizations of the State Policy Network (SPN).

The Centre for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) is a foundation affiliated with the NED, created by the U.S. government to prosecute the goals of Washington’s foreign policies, which finance the developing political organizations around the world. It was set up by the Foundation Chamber of Commerce of the U.S., the largest lobby in the country. 96% of its funds come from the State Department and USAID. CIPE played a primary role in the financing of the Atlas Network and was the main force in strengthening the network. Since 1991, Alejandro Chaufen, the Argentine apologist of the bloody Argentine dictatorship, directs the Atlas Network.


Part 2:  The Atlas Network’s insidious impact on the ground

The Atlas network’s poisonous pods, by their own admission. Note where they are more heavily concentrated at present.


Originally published: Peoples Dispatch by Aram Aharonian and Álvaro Verzi Rangel(September 3, 2018)   |

This is the second part of the analysis of the Atlas Network, which works with nearly 500 organizations across the globe in a systematic way to target and discredit socialism. The authors, Aram Aharonian and Álvaro Verzi Rangel, co-directors of the Observatory in Communication and Democracy (OCD) and Latin-American Centre of Strategic Analysis (CLAE), look at the affiliates of the Atlas Network in various countries. The first part can be read here.

In Brazil

In Brazil, NGOs and think tanks have worked together to attack the policies of distribution of the Workers’ Party, manipulated a large corruption scandal, created academic centers and trained activists for the ongoing combat in the media and social networks to direct the revolt against Dilma Rousseff, demanding her overthrow and the end of social welfare policies.

The international media has compared the Brazilian revolt with the U.S. Tea Party movement because of the tacit contribution of the local industrial conglomerates and a new network of right-wing media players and conspiracy tendencies. Helio Beltrão, an executive with a high-risk investment fund that now runs the Mises Institute (named after the ultra-conservative philosopher Ludwig von Mises), says that with the support of Atlas, in Brazil, there are now about 30 “non-profit” institutions acting and collaborating with each other, such as the Students for Liberty (Estudantes Pela Liberdade) and the MBL (Free Brazil Movement).

Key among them are:

  • The Interdisciplinary Centre of Ethics and Personal Economics of Rio de Janeiro: the centre is a religious think tank of Atlas that develops theological arguments for policies that benefit the entrepreneurs and businesses. The centre replicates the model of the U.S. Acton Institute financed by Betsy DeVos, the Secretary of Education. Its editorial board includes Alejandro Antonio Chafuen and Ives Gandra da Silva Martins, the lawyer who was involved in framing the arguments for the political trail of Dilma Rousseff and the arguments to prevent the trial of her successor, Michel Temer.
  • The Millennium Institute: it is a legal think tank in Rio de Janeiro, which promotes activities to favor free market solutions in Brazil. The group, founded in 2006, receives funding from several large corporations based in the country: Bank of America, Merryll Lynch, Grupo RBS, Gerdau and Am-Cham Brazil–the group of U.S. companies in the country. The Millennium Institute was particularly active in promoting street demonstrations against President Dilma Rousseff.
  • The Liberal Institute: the institute was founded in 1983 in Rio de Janeiro by Donald Stewart Jr., the construction tycoon and libertarian activist, who made most of his fortune from contracts rigged by USAID in Brazil during the military dictatorship. The institute was among the first partners of the Atlas Network in Latin America. It was partially financed by the National Endowment for Democracy (a US-based organization which is funded by the ultra-conservative Koch brothers) and the Centre for International Private Enterprise (CIPE).

It is like a football team: the defense is the academy and the politicians are the attackers. In the midfield would be those who work in the area of culture, responsible for the media management, misinformation and manipulation of public opinion.

The group finances bloggers and incendiary commentators, including Rodrigo Constantino, known as the Breitbart of Brazil (Breitbart News Network is a portal of right-wing and pro-Israel sites, launched by Andrew Breitbart during a visit to Tel Aviv, Israel in 2007.)

Constantino polarizes Brazilian politics with ultra-sectarian rhetoric. Relentlessly prone to conspiracy theories, he presides over the Liberal Institute and has popularized a narrative according to which the defenders of the PT are the “Caviar left”–rich hypocrites who embrace socialism to feel morally superior, but in reality disregard the working classes they claim to represent.

The “breitbartization” of the discourse is just one of the many ways through which the Atlas Network has influenced the political debate.

Fernando Schuler, academician and columnist associated with the Millennium Institute, is responsible for attacking the 17,000 unions of the country and points out that “with technology, people could participate directly, organizing through WhatsApp, Facebook, and YouTube a kind of low-cost public demonstration” (this is what is understood as public demonstration). For Schuler, the present model–a constellation of think tanks in Washington supported by huge donations–would be the only way for Brazil.

Atlas thus is dedicated in parts to: offering scholarships and grants for new reflection groups and ideas labs, providing courses on political management and public relations, sponsoring networking events around the world and in recent years, dedicating special resources to induce right-wing libertarians to influence public opinion through social networks and online videos.

In Argentina

The Pensar Foundation was a branch of the Atlas Network in Argentina that became PRO, the political party that propelled Mauricio Macri to the presidency in 2015. Leaders of Pensar and the Freedom Foundation (Fundación Libertad)–another branch of the network–today occupy key positions in the Argentine administration. But there are also a number of foundations, led by senior officials of Macri’s administration, who drain public money.

According to journalistic investigations, in this network are foundations such as Suma (directed by vice-president Gabriela Muchetti), Seguridad y Justicia [Security and Justice] (of security secretary Eugenio Burzaco), Creer y Crecer (of mayor Nestor Grindetti), Formar (of the Minister of Education Guillermo Dietrich), Pericles (of the presidential Legal Adviser Rodríguez Simón), etc.

The Attorney General’s Office for Economic Crime and Laundering of Assets denounced the Minister of Culture Hernán Lombardi in 2014 for the diversion of public funds to Pensar. Likewise, the “tithe” that the Macrista leader Gladys Rodríguez requested from those who accessed public employment in the province of Buenos Aires, was denounced to the court as a means of increasing funds of the same foundation.

The Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL, among the most influential 60 think tanks in the region, according to the Global Think Tank Index report), is associated with the Network of Democracy Research Institutes (NDRI), and launched the Vaclav Pavel Institute and Latin Analysis (Analysis Latino), directed by journalist Fernando Malaboro (prize to Young leaders 2006 of the Atlas Network), all with funds provided by the NED, via the Atlas Network and the money drained from the Argentine State.

In Honduras

The Eléutera foundation, in Sao Pedro Sula, Honduras, was founded after the coup d’etat against the constitutionally elected president, Manuel Zelaya, in 2009. The leader of the foundation, Guillermo Peña Panting, who used to work at the John Locke Foundation, a think tank of Atlas based in North Carolina, has given numerous seminars from the organization.

The present government of Honduras has requested the political support of Eléutera, including for the establishment of the first Special Economic Development Areas (ZEDE), a controversial project aimed at letting business leaders manage certain areas without attending to the state’s legal and political systems.

In Venezuela

Atlas has played a role in Venezuela. Records obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, as well as the State Department’s links revealed by Chelsea Manning, refer to the sophisticated efforts of U.S. politicians to use Atlas’ think tanks in a long campaign to destabilize the Venezuelan government. As early as in 1998, Cedice Libertad, the flagship of Atlas in Caracas, received regular financial support from the Center for International Private Enterprise. The funds that NED assigns for Cedice are explained as helping advocate “a change in government”.

Cedice Libertad provides support to the leaders of the conservative opposition, including Maria Corina Machado. The director of Cedice signed the Carmona Decree, which established the brief dictatorship after the civic-military coup against Hugo Chavez in 2002.

A 2006 cable referred to a strategy of U.S. Ambassador William Brownfield to finance politically active non-profit organizations in Venezuela to strengthen ‘democratic institutions’ towards the penetration of Hugo Chávez’ political base, the division of Chavismo and, above all, the protection of vital businesses at the international level.

There are other NGOs and foundations that work for Atlas, such as Provea (also financed by the Open Society Foundation of multi-millionaire George Soros, the Ford Foundation and the British embassy), the Civil Association of Citizen’s Power (routed in the undermining of military forces and Venezuelan intelligence and the security apparatus), and the Venezuelan Observatory of Social Conflict, which works on human rights issues and citizenship, which is also financed jointly by the NED.

Public Space (Espacio Público) is another such organization that directly coordinated the distribution of funds and projects of the State Department to “independent journalism” (anti-Chávez Portals) between 2008 and 2010. Another such organization is Venezuelan Foro Penal, financed by Freedom House, for the legal defense of those accused of sabotage and terrorism during the vandalism campaigns of “civil resistance” of the Venezuelan opposition in 2014 and 2017.


Image from The Intercept

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 ALL CAPTIONS AND PULL QUOTES BY THE EDITORS NOT THE AUTHORS

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NYT Reconfirms U.S. Coup Plot In Venezuela – Adds Pro-Coup Propaganda

DISPATCHES FROM MOON OF ALABAMA, BY “B”

HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.

Marco Rubio—a classical gusano— shaking Trump's hand. There are not even remotely progressive Hispanics in the US Senate.  Disgraceful but to be expected in the citadel of imperial reactionism.

U.S. rejects claim by Venezuela's Maduro that U.S. envoys engaged in conspiracy - Reuters - May 22 2018

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. State Department said on Tuesday it rejected accusations by Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro that two top U.S. diplomats were engaged in what Maduro called a “military conspiracy” or had been meddling in the country’s economic and political issues.Maduro earlier on Tuesday ordered the expulsion of U.S. charge d’affaires Todd Robinson and another senior diplomat, Brian Naranjo, ordering them to leave Venezuela within 48 hours.

As the saying goes: "Never believe anything in politics until it has been officially denied." The above denial confirmed Nicolas Maduro's claim of U.S. coup attempts against the Venezuelan government. A new report reconfirms the plot and reveals some new details of the still unwritten larger story.

Trump Administration Discussed Coup Plans With Rebel Venezuelan Officers - New York Times - September 8 2018

The Trump administration held secret meetings with rebellious military officers from Venezuela over the last year to discuss their plans to overthrow President Nicolás Maduro, according to American officials and a former Venezuelan military commander who participated in the talks. 
...
The administration initially considered dispatching Juan Cruz, a veteran Central Intelligence Agency official who recently stepped down as the White House’s top Latin America policymaker. But White House lawyers said it would be more prudent to send a career diplomat instead. 
...
After the first meeting, which took place in the fall of 2017, the diplomat reported that the Venezuelans didn’t appear to have a detailed plan and had showed up at the encounter hoping the Americans would offer guidance or ideas, officials said. 
...

The American diplomat then met the coup plotters a third time early this year, but the discussions did not result in a promise of material aid or even a clear signal that Washington endorsed the rebels’ plans, according to the Venezuelan commander and several American officials. 
...
Days later, Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, who has sought to shape the Trump administration’s approach toward Latin America, wrote a series of Twitter posts that encouraged dissident members of the Venezuelan armed forces to topple their commander in chief.

The Venezuelan generals the U.S. diplomat plotted with, are under U.S. sanctions for alleged corruption and drug smuggling. Isn't it illegal to deal with them? The story claims that nothing came from these talks. I see no reason to believe that. One attempt may have failed. But the U.S. surely continues to cultivate such contacts to overthrow the Venezuelan government.

The NYT hack, Ernesto Londoño, also inserts this:

Establishing a clandestine channel with coup plotters in Venezuela was a big gamble for Washington, given its long history of covert intervention across Latin America. Many in the region still deeply resent the United States for backing previous rebellions, coups and plots in countries like Cuba, Nicaragua, Brazil and Chile, and for turning a blind eye to the abuses military regimes committed during the Cold War.

Only Cuba, Nicaragua, Brazil and Chile? It seems that a not-so-small number of other U.S. coups in South America are missing here, even very recent ones. Why is there no mention of the 2009 military coup in Honduras, which the Obama administration and Hillary Clinton avidly supported? And it was only during the Cold War that the U.S. turned a bling eye to torture? What about the ongoing abuses regimes in Latin America currently commit?

Then there is also this nonsense:

Most Latin American leaders agree that Venezuela’s president, Mr. Maduro, is an increasingly authoritarian ruler who has effectively ruined his country’s economy, leading to extreme shortages of food and medicine.

"Most Latin American leaders" obviously means those satraps the U.S. installed and supports. Even then it is doubtful that they say such things. The author just abuses them to introduce a false claim.

It is not Maduro "who has effectively ruined his country’s economy". Illegal U.S. sanctions against Venezuela, imposed under Obama as well as Trump, did and do that.

Max Weisbrot of the Center for Economic and Policy Research explains on BBC (vid) how the U.S. is waging a brutal economic war against Venezuela. It is this war that caused the depression and makes a recovery from the induced hyperinflation nearly impossible. Billions of dollars that Venezuela owns and needs are frozen in U.S. accounts. U.S. sanctions make it extremely difficult for the country to sell assets or to borrow money:

[W]ith Trump’s executive order, even if Venezuela were to stabilize the exchange rate and return to growth, it would be cut off from borrowing, investment, and proprietary sources of income such as dividend payments from Venezuela-owned but US-based Citgo Petroleum. This makes a sustained recovery nearly impossible without outside help—or a new government that is approved by the Trump administration.

Venezuela is a rich country. It has the biggest known oil reserves on the planet, though much of those are difficult to retrieve.

That is of course the reason why the U.S. wants to install a rightwing proxy government in Venezuela. It is the reason why it wages war  against its people.

China is currently the only country with the necessary capacity and geopolitical standing to support Venezuela. It would the best for the country, and for the world, if China would come to its help.


Addendum

Select (illuminating) Comments

Man, it just never ends. Is there no place on the planet that these neocon nutjobs aren't eager to destroy? Honestly, do these psychopaths wake up the the morning wondering what people and countries they will wipe out today,which economies they will beggar? I know this neocon psychopathy is all coming to a head, probably in Syria, but for the love of God, just end it already.

Posted by: Casey | Sep 8, 2018 11:47:32 AM | 1

By now it should be cristal clear UZA and Israel think they are the master race, They're not psychopaths !!!

Posted by: Mark2 | Sep 8, 2018 12:19:29 PM | 2

Thanks to b for exposing another avenue of attempted empire expansion that is being thwarted currently

Your call for China to come to the help of Venezuela is the first I remember reading you encourage China to enter the geo-political fray to this extent. I agree with you and have written such myself in other circumstances. What strikes me now is that China is playing its hand very carefully so as to not look like the outgoing empire.....but they know they are rising and contributory to the muscle "position" against the bluster and bluffing of the West. I believe we will not have a nuclear confrontation between Russia and the US because China is standing behind Russia very clearly.

Interesting times indeed.

Posted by: psychohistorian | Sep 8, 2018 12:24:26 PM | 3

thanks for this overview on venezuela b... it seems if venezuela could just hand over it's oil reserves to exxon, everything would be fine.. it is pretty classy of the usa to work with folks accused of corruption and drug smuggling... when they are thru with this competition, they'll move on to working with others to play a similar role..

i wonder how much of this is about continued maintenance of us$ supremacy? all these sanctions on countries that don't abide by usa's agenda really shines a light back onto just how useful financial sanctions are when the us$ is the gateway to exchange on the world market..

Posted by: james | Sep 8, 2018 12:39:44 PM | 4

Unfortunately, I don't see Russia and China coming strongly to Venezuela's aid. Russia will offer moral support and technical help with oil extraction but China seems focused on Africa as the US asserts a return to the horrible days of the 1970s and 1980s when it truly ran the show via multiple avenues ranging from direct military intervention to use of Economic Hitman tactics, targeted assassinations, etc. We've seen the governments of Honduras and Brazil overthrown, Ecuador re-occupied through the vehicle of the traitor, Lenin Moreno, betraying the party that got him elected, etc.

Venezuela may have tons of problems but the resolve of the poorer people to stand up for themselves is truly admirable.

Posted by: worldblee | Sep 8, 2018 12:46:37 PM | 6

The anglozionist propaganda war of lies is relentless and found in many places on the internet. For example, the well-known website of Zerohedge has been continually posting articles on Venezuela, blaming "socialism" as the reason its economy suffers so and trying to shame the choices the people there have made politically. They cheer for the "capitalist" (ie: anglozionist, jewish-controlled banking) cause. They never, ever mention the anglozionist sanctions and provocations which have reduced the Venezuelan economy to ruin. Sites like Zerohedge masquerade as alternative news sites but are, in reality, part of the NWO / Deep State apparatchik machine hijacking the narrative of what is really going on.

Posted by: rigol | Sep 8, 2018 1:06:00 PM | 7

China and Russia have billions invested at stake in Venezuela.
They will work through Cuban forces to back the government there.

A coup against Maduro is quite difficult. A civil war, and Colombian army interference is very probable.

The real issue is the nation is being destroyed by the failed policies. The economy is destroyed. A complete rebuild is necessary. And no one, even Russia and China, will put their money into the abyss of failed socialist ideas.

The reality is some new figurehead has to be put in place, the assets of production and services have to be released by government and military (who nationalized them) and then strategic infrastructure can be revived.

The death of socialism in Venezuela is clear. Unless God intervenes, it will remain dead. Disease is next on the agenda. Cholera and other pandemics will soon follow. Venezuela is dying as a country because socialism committed suicide and killed its economy.

Doesn't matter who is to blame. Facts matter.

Posted by: Red Ryder | Sep 8, 2018 1:16:06 PM | 8

@ rigol | 7

Zerohedge has a strong Libertarian orientation, or bias. It does publish legitimate "alternative" news, opinion, and analysis, but readers must take this bias into account.

When Zerohedge discusses geopolitical events, its Libertarian ideology has the effect of extra-strength Stupid Pills on the quality of its analysis. When it comes to Venezuela, Libertarians reduce everything to the trite capitalist myth that "socialism" is a malignant cancer that invariably destroys nations foolish enough to attempt it.

I don't know if you're familiar with Max Keiser, a former Wall Street broker whose "Keiser Report" critiques "markets, scandals, and finance". Max also expresses a Libertarian perspective, and lapses into the same mantra of "the Venezuelan people (foolishly) attempted socialism" when referencing Venezuela's economic difficulties.

I don't necessarily disagree with your conclusion, but the biased analysis you mention may just be a case of Libertarians functioning as Useful Idiots.

Posted by: Ort | Sep 8, 2018 1:24:52 PM | 9

As usual, when USA breaks every law, threat other nations, start wars, not a single western journalists protests, this is the way propaganda function in the western world. Nasty neocon/liberal degenerates.

Posted by: Zanon | Sep 8, 2018 1:37:13 PM | 10

@ Red Ryder who wrote: "The real issue is the nation is being destroyed by the failed policies........And no one, even Russia and China, will put their money into the abyss of failed socialist ideas."

That is some serious propaganda your spouting there. There are those of us that think that the socialism attempted by Venezuela is "failing" because it has been continually attacked by capitalism factions within the country.

I think that China, who has created and executed 13 5-year plans as a "socialist" country would laugh in the face of your "...abyss of failed socialist ideas." comment.....are you sure you are at the right bar?

Posted by: psychohistorian | Sep 8, 2018 1:50:22 PM | 11

The US helped engineer a Venezuela coup in 2002, and the NY Times published a celebratory editorial which it had to backtrack from when the coup was foiled shortly afterwards. Venezuela's biggest crime, in the eyes of the Americans, is its alternative economic program and its threat, in Chomsky's phrase, of a "good example." Chavez and Marduro both are reflexively described as authoritarian dictators, when all they have done is win election after election. The opposition admitted a year ago that they could not win at the ballot box as their political program, to the extent it has ever been articulated, does not hold favour with the people. Opposition tactics have ranged from pouting and foot-stamping, to a failed coup, to more pouting and foot-stamping, on to arson and vandalism, and from there begging the US to invade. Anyone spouting the "failure of socialism" meme doesn't know what they are talking about. Under Chavez, Venezuela made enormous progress uplifting its people, improving the quality of life of the majority. The direct deliberate sabotage of Venezuela's economy by the US, Canada, and their OAS flunkies, is simply shameful and pathetic.

Speaking of failures, the Neo-liberal program endorsed by Macri in Argentina has proved a disaster, as the IMF now moves in to fully ruin that economy as it did twenty years ago. Fool me once.... Step outside the US system and they will ruin you. Embrace the US system and they will ruin you too.

Posted by: jayc | Sep 8, 2018 1:54:52 PM | 12

@11, psychohistorian

Friend, China's rise was built on unfettered State Capitalism and entrepreneurialism, as well as massive Foreign Direct Investment by capitalists, mostly the biggest on Wall Street and in London.

If facts elude you, I won't argue any further.

The failure in Venezuela was stupidity and greed, and incompetence, not theory. The Socialist ideologues used that as cover for their failings. We saw signs of it in Brazil. That's why the Right (and US) put the Socialists in prison.

However, if you follow Socialism in recent decades, it not just fails, it fails spectacularly.
It is a pretty woman with bad spending habits. She always bankrupts her family.

China and Russia have warned Maduro. It's too far gone.

Posted by: Red Ryder | Sep 8, 2018 2:10:45 PM | 13

Just more of the same old stuff:

https://williamblum.org/essays/read/overthrowing-other-peoples-governments-the-master-list

The empire is a corporate entity, that's what they do, assimilate others resources to acquire business hegemony.

The empire's corporatists will not stop.

Business uber alles..

Posted by: ben | Sep 8, 2018 2:14:24 PM | 14

" Billions of dollars that Venezuelan owns and needs are frozen in U.S. accounts. U.S. sanctions make it extremely difficult for the country to sell assets or to borrow money:"

One would think,,, an intelligent person/nation would not have money anywhere the US can control...

Posted by: ken | Sep 8, 2018 2:20:40 PM | 15

Sounds like Red Ryder is trolling for capitalism. Trying to put lipstick on the capitalist pigs out to rule the world.

Posted by: mike k | Sep 8, 2018 2:47:09 PM | 16

Red Ryder 1:16:06 PM | 8
Why do you come here to repeat the MSM nonsense? Without a shred of real evidence? You're talking rubbish. First of all Venezuela isn't a socialist country, never was. Chavez never laid hand on the capitalistic structures, he only did set up some parallel structures to bypass them in certain cases. He did put PDVSA (the national oil company) under strict state control, but then again, would you say Saudi Arabia is a socialist country?
Usa with the help of its western poodles is doing everything to destroy the Venezuelan economy. It was certainly part of the assassination attack some weeks ago. Yes - the one that never happened according to some MSM.

So please; do not pollute this pages. Do it where you can't do harm because it's a dump anyway.

Posted by: Pnyx | Sep 8, 2018 3:00:30 PM | 17

Venezuela did not nationalize its economy to the extent that it could be truly described as "socialist." The socialist tag was applied for propaganda purposes. Venezuela's crimes were 1) directing resources into health and education programs 2) creating a subsidized program to distribute petroleum products (i.e. heating oil) to less fortunate countries in the region.

Posted by: jayc | Sep 8, 2018 3:04:37 PM | 18

It's not that socialism fails, but it is seen as a major threat to capatilism and so distroyed by eny meens possable ! 
The list of capatalist' victem countrys is very long. Here in UK the disgusting relentless attack on the left wing is an example. 
Eny threat to capatalist pigs at this stage has got my vote !!!

Posted by: Mark2 | Sep 8, 2018 3:05:56 PM | 19


 

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 ALL CAPTIONS AND PULL QUOTES BY THE EDITORS NOT THE AUTHORS

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Making War on the Planet


HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.

 

(Credit: Futurism)

 

Geoengineering and Capitalism's Creative Destruction of the Earth

This is a slightly revised version of an article published on July 24, 2018, on the website of Science for the People and on MR Online. It was written for the Summer 2018 special issue on geoengineering of the new Science for the People, announcing the magazine’s relaunch.

A short fuse is burning. At the present rate of global emissions, the world is projected to reach the trillionth metric ton of cumulative carbon emissions, breaking the global carbon budget, in less than two decades.1 This would usher in a period of dangerous climate change that could well prove irreversible, affecting the climate for centuries if not millennia. Even if the entire world economy were to cease emitting carbon dioxide at the present moment, the extra carbon already accumulated in the atmosphere virtually guarantees that climate change will continue with damaging effects to the human species and life in general. However, reaching the 2°C increase in global average temperature guardrail, associated with a level of carbon concentration in the environment of 450 ppm, would lead to a qualitatively different condition. At that point, climate feedbacks would increasingly come into play threatening to catapult global average temperatures to 3°C or 4°C above preindustrial levels within this century, in the lifetime of many individuals alive today. The situation is only made more serious by the emission of other greenhouse gases, including methane and nitrous oxide.

The enormous dangers that rapid climate change present to humanity as a whole, and the inability of the existing capitalist political-economic structure to address them, symbolized by the presence of Donald Trump in the White House, have engendered a desperate search for technofixes in the form of schemes for geoengineering, defined as massive, deliberate human interventions to manipulate the entire climate or the planet as a whole.

Not only is geoengineering now being enthusiastically pushed by today’s billionaire class, as represented by figures like Bill Gates and Richard Branson; by environmental organizations such as the Environmental Defense Fund and the Natural Resources Defense Council; by think tanks like the Breakthrough Institute and Climate Code Red; and by fossil-fuel corporations like Exxon Mobil and Shell—it is also being actively pursued by the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, China, and Russia. The UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has incorporated negative emissions strategies based on geoengineering (in the form of Bio-energy with Carbon Capture and Storage, or BECCS) into nearly all of its climate models. Even some figures on the political left (where “accelerationist” ideas have recently taken hold in some quarters) have grabbed uncritically onto geoengineering as a deus ex machina—a way of defending an ecomodernist economic and technological strategy—as witnessed by a number of contributions to Jacobin magazine’s Summer 2017 Earth, Wind, and Fire issue.2

If the Earth System is to avoid 450 ppm of carbon concentration in the atmosphere and is to return to the Holocene average of 350 ppm, some negative emissions by technological means, and hence geoengineering on at least a limited scale, will be required, according to leading climatologist James Hansen.3 Hansen’s strategy, however, like most others, remains based on the current system, that is, it excludes the possibility of a full-scale ecological revolution, involving the self-mobilization of the population around production and consumption. What remains certain is that any attempt to implement geoengineering (even in the form of technological schemes for carbon removal) as the dominant strategy for addressing global warming, subordinated to the ends of capital accumulation, would prove fatal to humanity. The costs of such action, the burden it would put on future generations, and the dangers to living species, including our own, are so great that the only rational course is a long ecological revolution aimed at the most rapid possible reduction in carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas emissions, coupled with an emphasis on agroecology and restoration of global ecosystems, including forests, to absorb carbon dioxide.4 This would need to be accompanied by a far-reaching reconstitution of society at large, aimed at the reinstitution on a higher level of collective and egalitarian practices that were undermined by the rise of capitalism.

Geoengineering the Planet Under the Regime of Fossil Capital

Geoengineering as an idea dates back to the period of the first discoveries of rapid anthropogenic climate change. Beginning in the early 1960s, the Soviet Union’s (and at that time the world’s) leading climatologist, Mikhail Budyko, was the first to issue a number of warnings on the inevitably of accelerated global climate change in the case of industrial systems based on the burning of fossil fuels.5 Although anthropogenic climate change had long been recognized, what was new was the discovery of major climate feedbacks such as the melting of Arctic ice and the disruption of the albedo effect as reflective white ice was replaced with blue seawater, increasing the amount of solar radiation absorbed by the planet and ratcheting up global average temperature. In 1974, Budyko offered, as a possible solution to climate change, the use of high-flying planes to release sulfur particles (forming sulfate aerosols) into the stratosphere. This was meant to mimic the role played by volcanic action in propelling sulfur into the atmosphere, thus creating a partial barrier, limiting incoming solar radiation. The rationale he offered was that capitalist economies, in particular, would not be able to curtail capital-accumulation-based growth, energy use, and emissions, despite the danger to the climate.6 Consequently, technological alternatives to stabilize the climate would have to be explored. But it was not until 1977 when the Italian physicist Cesare Marchetti proposed a scheme for capturing carbon dioxide emissions from electrical power plants and using pipes to sequester them in the ocean depths that the word “geoengineering” itself was to appear.7


 

Polar bears: in the crosshairs of ecological implosion.


Budyko’s pioneering proposal to use sulfur particles to block a part of the sun’s rays, now known as “stratospheric aerosol injection,” and Marchetti’s early notion of capturing and sequestering carbon in the ocean, stand for the two main general approaches to geoengineering—respectively, solar radiation management (SRM) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR). SRM is designed to limit the solar radiation reaching the earth. CDR seeks to capture and remove carbon to decrease the amount entering the atmosphere.

Besides stratospheric aerosol injection, first proposed by Budyko, another approach to SRM that has gained influential adherents in recent years is marine cloud brightening. This would involve cooling the earth by modifying low-lying, stratocumulus clouds covering around a third of the ocean, making them more reflective. In the standard scenario, a special fleet of 1,500 unmanned, satellite-controlled ships would roam the ocean spraying submicron drops of seawater in the air, which would evaporate leaving salty residues. These bright salt particles would reflect incoming solar radiation. They would also act as cloud condensation nuclei, increasing the surface area of the clouds, with the result that more solar radiation would be reflected.

Both stratospheric aerosol injection and marine cloud brightening are widely criticized as posing enormous hazards on top of climate change itself, while simply addressing the symptoms not the cause of climate change. Stratospheric aerosol injection—to be delivered to the stratosphere by means of hoses, cannons, balloons, or planes—would alter the global hydrological cycle with enormous unpredictable effects, likely leading to massive droughts in major regions of the planet. It is feared that it could shut down the Indian monsoon system disrupting agriculture for as many as 2 billion people.8 There are also worries that it might affect photosynthesis and crop production over much of the globe.9 The injection of sulfur particles into the atmosphere could contribute to depletion of the ozone layer.10 Much of the extra sulfur would end up dropping to the earth, leading to acid rain.11 Most worrisome of all, stratospheric aerosol injection would have to be repeated year after year. At termination the rise in temperature associated with additional carbon buildup would come almost at once with world temperature conceivably rising by 2–3°C in a decade—a phenomenon referred to as the “termination problem.”12

As with stratospheric aerosol injection, marine cloud brightening would drastically affect the hydrological cycle in unpredictable ways. For example, it could generate a severe drought in the Amazon, drying up the world’s most vital terrestrial ecosystem with incalculable and catastrophic effects for Earth System stability.13 Many of the dangers of cloud brightening are similar to those of stratospheric aerosol depletion. Like other forms of SRM, it would do nothing to stop ocean acidification caused by rising carbon dioxide levels.

The first form of CDR to attract significant attention from economic interests and investors was the idea of fertilizing the ocean with iron, thereby boosting the growth of phytoplankton so as to promote greater ocean uptake of carbon. There have been a dozen experiments in this area and the difficulties attending this scheme have proven to be legion. The effects on the ecological cycles of phytoplankton, zooplankton, and a host of other marine species all the way up to whales at the top of the food chain are indeterminate. Although some parts of the ocean would become greener due to the additional iron, other parts would become bluer, more devoid of life, because they would be deprived of the nutrients—nitrate, phosphorus, and silica—needed for growth.14 Evidence suggests that the vast portion of the carbon taken in by the ocean would stay on the surface or the intermediate levels of the ocean, with only a tiny part entering the ocean depths, where it would be naturally sequestered.15

Among the various CDR schemas, it is BECCS, because of its promise of negative emissions, which today is attracting the most support. This is because it seems to allow nations to overshoot climate targets on the basis that the carbon can be removed from the atmosphere decades later. Although BECCS exists at present largely as an untested computer model, it is now incorporated into almost all climate models utilized by the IPCC.16 As modeled, BECCS would burn cultivated crops in order to generate electricity, with the capture and underground storage of the resulting carbon dioxide. In theory, since plant crops can be seen as carbon neutral—taking carbon dioxide from the atmosphere and then eventually releasing it again—BECCS, by burning biomass and then capturing and sequestering the resulting carbon emissions, would be a means of generating electricity while at the same time resulting in a net reduction of atmospheric carbon.

BECCS, however, comes into question the moment one moves from the abstract to the concrete. The IPCC’s median-level models are projected to remove 630 gigatons of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, around two thirds of the total emitted between the Industrial Revolution and 2011.17 This would occur on vast crop plantations to be run by agribusiness. To remove a trillion tons of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere as envisioned in the more ambitious scenarios would take up a land twice the size of India (or equal to Australia), about half as much land as currently farmed globally, requiring a supply of freshwater equal to current total global agricultural usage.18 The costs of implementing BECCS on the imagined scales have been estimated by climatologist James Hansen—who critically notes that negative emissions have “spread like a cancer” in the IPCC climate models—to be on the order of hundreds of trillions of dollars, with “minimal estimated costs” ranging as high as $570 trillion this century.19 The effects of BECCS—used as a primary mechanism and designed to avoid confrontation with the present system of production—would therefore be a massive displacement of small farmers and global food production.

Moreover, the notion that the forms of large-scale, commercial agricultural production presumed in BECCS models would be carbon neutral and would thus result in negative emissions with sequestration has been shown to be exaggerated or false when the larger effects on global land use are taken into account. BECCS crop cultivation is expected to take place on vast monoculture plantations, displacing other forms of land use. Yet, biologically diverse ecosystems have substantially higher rates of carbon sequestration in soil and biomass than does monocrop agriculture.20 An alternative to BECCS in promoting carbon sequestration would be to promote massive, planetary ecological restoration, including reforestation, together with the promotion of agroecology modeled on traditional forms of agriculture organized around nutrient recycling and improved soil management methods.21This would avoid the metabolic rift associated with agribusiness monocultures, which are less efficient both in terms of food production per hectare and carbon sequestration.

Another commonly advocated technofix, carbon capture and sequestration (CCS), is not strictly a form of geoengineering since it is directed at capturing and sequestering carbon emissions of particular electrical plants, such as coal-fired power plants. However, the promotion of a CCS infrastructure on a planetary scale as a means of addressing climate change—thereby skirting the necessity of an ecological revolution in production and consumption—is best seen as a form of planetary geoengineering due to its immense projected economic and ecological scale. Although CCS would theoretically allow the burning of fossil fuels from electrical power plants with no carbon emissions into the atmosphere, the scale and the costs of CCS operations are prohibitive. As Clive Hamilton writes in Earthmasters: The Dawn of the Age of Climate Engineering, CCS for a single “standard-sized 1,000 megawatt coal-fired plant….would need 30 kilometers of air-sucking machinery and six chemical plants, with a footprint of 6 square kilometers.”22 Energy expert Vaclav Smil has calculated that, “in order to sequester just a fifth of current [2010] CO2 emissions we would have to create an entirely new worldwide absorption-gathering-compression-transportation-storage industry whose annual throughput would have to be about 70 percent larger than the annual volume now handled by the global crude oil industry, whose immense infrastructure of wells, pipelines, compressor stations and storage took generations to build.”23 Capturing and sequestering current U.S. carbon dioxide emissions would require 130 billion tons of water per year, equal to about half the annual flow of the Columbia River. This new gigantic infrastructure would be placed on top of the current fossil fuel infrastructure—all in order to allow for the continued burning of fossil fuels.24

A Planetary Precautionary Principle for the Anthropocene

If today’s planetary ecological emergency is a product of centuries of war on the planet as a mechanism of capital accumulation, fossil-capital generated geoengineering schemes can be seen as gargantuan projects for keeping the system going by carrying this war to its ultimate level. Geoengineering under the present regime of accumulation has the sole objective of keeping the status quo intact—neither disturbing the dominant relations of capitalist production nor even seeking so much as to overturn the fossil-fuel industry with which capital is deeply intertwined. Profits, production, and overcoming energy poverty in the poorer parts of the world thus become justifications for keeping the present fossil-capital system going, maintaining at all cost the existing capitalist environmental regime. The Promethean mentality behind this is well captured by a question that Rex Tillerson then CEO of Exxon Mobil Corporation asked—without a trace of irony—at an annual shareholders meeting in 2013: “What good is it to save the planet if humanity suffers?”25

The whole history of ecological crisis leading up the present planetary emergency, punctuated by numerous disasters—from the near total destruction of the ozone layer, to nutrient loading and the spread of dead zones in the ocean, to climate change itself—serves to highlight the march of folly associated with any attempt to engineer the entire planet. The complexity of the Earth System guarantees that enormous unforeseen consequences would emerge. As Frederick Engels warned in the nineteenth century, “Let us not…flatter ourselves overmuch on account of our human victories over nature. For each such victory nature takes its revenge on us. Each victory, it is true, in the first place brings about the results we expected, but in the second and third places it has quite different, unforeseen effects which only too often cancel the first.”26

In the face of uncertainty, coupled with an extremely high likelihood of inflicting incalculable harm on the Earth System, it is essential to invoke what is known as the Precautionary Principle whenever the question of planetary geoengineering is raised. As ecological economist Paul Burkett has explained, the strong version of the Precautionary Principle, necessarily encompasses the following:

(1) The Precautionary Principle Proper, which says that if an action may cause serious harm, there is a case for counteracting measures to ensure that the action does not take place.

(2) The Principle of Reverse Onus, under which it is the responsibility of those supporting an action to show that it is not seriously harmful, thereby shifting the burden of proof off those potentially harmed by the action (e.g. the general population and other species occupying the environment). In short, it is safety, rather than potential harm, that needs to be demonstrated.

(3) The Principle of Alternative Assessment, stipulating that no potentially harmful action will be undertaken if there are alternative actions available that safely achieve the same goals as the action proposed.

(4) All societal deliberations bearing on the application of features 1 through 3 must be open, informed, and democratic, and must include all affected parties.27

It is clear that geoengineering promoted in a context of a capitalist regime of maximum accumulation would be ruled out completely by a strong Precautionary Principle based on each of the criteria listed above. There is a near certainty of extreme damage to the human species as a whole arising from all of the major geoengineering proposals. If the onus were placed on status quo proponents of capitalist geoengineering to demonstrate that great harm to the planet as a place of human habitation would not be inflicted, such proposals would fail the test. Since the alternative of not burning fossil fuels and promoting alternative forms of energy is entirely feasible, while planetary geoengineering carries with it immense added dangers for the Earth System as a whole, such a technofix as a primary means of checking global warming would be excluded by that criterion, too. Finally, geoengineering under the present economic and social system invariably involves some entity from the power structure—a single multi-billionaire, a corporation, a government, or an international organization—implementing such action ostensibly on behalf of humanity as a whole, while leaving most affected parties worldwide out of the decision-making process, with hundreds of millions, perhaps billions, of people paying the environmental costs, often with their lives. In short, geoengineering, particularly if subordinated to the capital accumulation process, violates the most sacred version of the Precautionary Principle, dating back to antiquity: First Do No Harm.

Eco-Revolution as the Only Alternative

As an extension of the current war on the planet, a regime of climate geoengineering designed to keep the present mode of production going is sharply opposed to the view enunciated by Barry Commoner in 1992 in Making Peace with the Planet, where he wrote: “If the environment is polluted and the economy is sick, the virus that causes both will be found in the system of production.”28 There can be no doubt today that it is the present mode of production, particularly the system of fossil capital, that needs to change on a global scale. In order to stop climate change, the world economy must quickly shift to zero net carbon dioxide emissions. This is well within reach with a concerted effort by human society as a whole utilizing already existing sustainable technological means—particularly when coupled with necessary changes in social organization to reduce the colossal waste of resources and lives that is built into the current alienated system of production. Such changes could not simply be implemented from the top by elites, but rather would require the self-mobilization of the population, inspired by the revolutionary actions of youth aimed at egalitarian, ecological, collective, and socialized solutions—recognizing that it is the world that they will inherit that is most at stake.

Today’s necessary ecological revolution would include for starters: (1) an emergency moratorium on economic growth in the rich countries coupled with downward redistribution of income and wealth; (2) radical reductions in greenhouse gas emissions; (3) rapid phase-out of the entire fossil fuel energy structure; (4) substitution of an alternative energy infrastructure based on sustainable alternatives such as solar and wind power and rooted in local control; (5) massive cuts in military spending with the freed-up economic surplus to be used for ecological conversion; (6) promotion of circular economies and zero-waste systems to decrease the throughput of energy and resources; (7) building effective public transportation, together with measures to decrease dependence on the private automobile; (8) restoration of global ecosystems in line with local, including indigenous, communities; (9) transformation of destructive, energy-and chemical-intensive agribusiness-monocultural production into agroecology, based on sustainable small farms and peasant cultivation with their greater productivity of food per acre; (10) institution of strong controls on the emission of toxic chemicals; (11) prohibition of the privatization of freshwater resources; (12) imposition of strong, human-community-based management of the ocean commons geared to sustainability; (13) institution of dramatic new measures to protect endangered species; (14) strict limits imposed on excessive and destructive consumer marketing by corporations; (15) reorganization of production to break down current commodity chains geared to rapacious accumulation and the philosophy of après moi le déluge; and (16) the development of more rational, equitable, less wasteful, and more collective forms of production.29

Priority in such an eco-revolution would need to be given to the fastest imaginable elimination of fossil fuel emissions, but this would in turn require fundamental changes in the human relationship to the earth and in the relationship of human beings to each other. A new emphasis would have to be placed on sustainable human development and the creation of an organic system of social metabolic reproduction. Centuries of exploitation and expropriation, including divisions on the basis of class, gender, race, and ethnicity, would have to be transcended. The historical logic posed by current conditions thus points to the necessity of a long ecological revolution, putting into place a new system of sustainable human development aimed at addressing the totality of needs of human beings as both natural and social beings: what is now called ecosocialism.

Notes

  1.  http://trillionthtonne.org, accessed June 3, 2018. Note that the trillionth metric ton here refers to cumulative carbon (not carbon dioxide).
  2.  Jacobin, vol. 26 (2017).
  3.  James Hansen et al., “Young People’s Burden: Requirements of Negative CO2 Emissions,” Earth System Dynamics 8 (2017): 577–616; James Hansen et. al., “Young People’s Burden: Requirements of Negative CO2 Emissions,” July 18, 2017, http://columbia.edu.
  4.  See John Bellamy Foster, “The Long Ecological Revolution,” Monthly Review 69, no. 6 (November 2017): 1–16.
  5.  Spencer Weart, “Interview with M. I. Budyko: Oral History Transcript,” March 25, 1990, http://aip.org, The Discovery of Global Warming (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003): 85–88; Climate and Life(New York: Academic, 1974), 485; M. I. Budyko and Y. A. Izrael, ed., Anthropogenic Climate Change(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), 1–6; Blue Planet Prize, “The Laureates: Mikhail I. Budyko (1998),” http://af-info.or.jp; John Bellamy Foster, “Late Soviet Ecology and the Planetary Crisis,” Monthly Review 67, no. 2 (June 2015): 7–10.
  6.  M. I. Budyko, Climatic Changes (Washington, D.C.: American Geophysical Union, 1977), 235–36, 239–46; Foster, “Late Soviet Ecology,” 11.
  7.  Oliver Morton, The Planet Remade (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 137–38.
  8.  Alan Robock, Luke Oman, and Georgiy L. Stenchikov, “Regional Climate Responses to Geoengineering with Tropical and Arctic SO2 Injections,” Journal of Geophysical Research 113 (2008): D16101; Alan Robock, “20 Reasons Why Geoengineering May Be a Bad Idea,” Bulletin of Atomic Scientists64, no. 2 (2008): 15; Clive Hamilton, Earthmasters (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 64.
  9.  Robock, “20 Reasons Why Geoengineering May Be a Bad Idea,” 16.
  10.  Ibid.
  11.  Michael E. Mann and Tom Toles, The Madhouse Effect (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016): 123; Robock, “20 Reasons Why Geoengineering May Be a Bad Idea,” 16.
  12.  Hamilton, Earthmasters, 65–67; Robock, “20 Reasons Why Geoengineering May Be a Bad Idea,” 17; Daisy Dunne, “Six Ideas to Limit Global Warming with Solar Geoengineering,” Carbon Brief, May 9, 2018, http://carbonbrief.org.
  13.  Hamilton, Earthmasters, 52–55; Carbon Brief, “Six Ideas.”
  14.  Hugh Powell, “Fertilizing the Ocean with Iron,” Oceanus 46, no. 1 (2008), http://whoi.edu; Hamilton, Earthmasters, 27–35.
  15.  Powell, “Fertilizing the Ocean with Iron”; Hamilton, Earthmasters, 35.
  16.  Abby Rabinowitz and Amanda Simson, “The Dirty Secret of the World’s Plan to Avert Climate Disaster,” Wired, December 10, 2017.
  17.  Rabinowitz and Simson, “The Dirty Secret of the World’s Plan to Avert Climate Disaster.”
  18.  Julia Rosen, “Vast Bioenergy Plantations Could Stave Off Climate Change—and Radically Reshape the Planet,” Science, February 15, 2018; Rabinowiz and Simson, “The Dirty Secret of the World’s Plan to Avert Climate Disaster”; ETC Group, Biofuel Watch, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, The Big Bad Fix: The Case Against Climate Geoengineering (2017), 22, http:// boell.de.
  19.  Hansen et al., “Young People’s Burden.”
  20.  ETC Group, Biofuel Watch, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, The Big Bad Fix, 20–22; Michael Friedman, “Why Geoengineering Is Not a Remedy for the Climate Crisis,” MR Online, May 22, 2018, http://mronline.org.
  21.  Friedman, “Why Geoengineering Is Not a Remedy for the Climate Crisis.”
  22.  Hamilton, Earthmasters, 47–50.
  23.  Vaclav Smil, “Global Energy: The Latest Infatuations,” American Scientist 99 (2011), http:// americanscientist.org. See also Jeff Goodell, “Coal’s New Technology,” Yale Environment 360, July 14, 2008, http://e360.yale.edu.
  24.  Andy Skuce, “‘We’d Have to Finish One New Facility Every Working Day for the Next 70 Years’—Why Carbon Capture Is No Panacea,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, October 4, 2016), http://thebulletin.org.
  25.  Tillerson quoted in Michael Babad, “Exxon Mobil CEO: ‘What Good Is It to Save the Planet if Humanity Suffers?’” Globe and Mail, May 30, 2017 (updated June 19, 2017).
  26.  Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 25 (New York: International Publishers, 1987), 460–61.
  27.  Paul Burkett, “On Eco-Revolutionary Prudence: Capitalism, Communism, and the Precautionary Principle,” Socialism and Democracy 30, no. 2 (2016): 87.
  28.  Barry Commoner, Making Peace with the Planet (New York: New Press, 1992), ix.
  29.  See ETC Group, Biofuel Watch, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, The Big Bad Fix, 10.

 

 

 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
 John Bellamy Foster is the editor of Monthly Review and a professor of sociology at the University of Oregon. This is a slightly revised version of an article published on July 24, 2018, on the website of Science for the People and on MR Online. It was written for the Summer 2018 special issue on geoengineering of the new Science for the People, announcing the magazine’s relaunch.

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License

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Things to ponder

While our media prostitutes, many Hollywood celebs, and politicians and opinion shapers make so much noise about the still to be demonstrated damage done by the Russkies to our nonexistent democracy, this is what the sanctimonious US government has done overseas just since the close of World War 2. And this is what we know about. Many other misdeeds are yet to be revealed or documented.

Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” — acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump — a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report

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On the matter of De Gaulle: Anti-American rebel, anti-communist insurance or both?


HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.


This material appeared in Luciana Bohne's excellent Facebook page. Thank you Luciana and friends.

Chief commenter is Jacques Pauwels.

De Gaulle is mentioned in this book review, “France’s Passage from the German to the American Eras”:

In two of her books, Le choix de la Defaite: les elites francaises dans les annees 1930 and De Munich a Vichy, l’assassinat de la 3e Republique 1938–1940 (Paris, Armand Colin, 2010 and 2008), Annie Lacroix-Riz, contemporary history specialist and professor at Paris 7 University, explained how the elite of French society in the 1930s—politicians, high-ranking military officers, industrialists, bankers, the high clergy, and so forth—desired and planned the “strange defeat” of 1940. It was through this betrayal that the elite was able to triumph over the leftist “enemy within,” prevent further political and social reforms such as those introduced by the Popular Front, and eliminate the system, too democratic to its taste, of the Third Republic in favor of the authoritarian and collaborationist Vichy regime. This regime pleased all elements of the country’s elite, but particularly employers, and while it was a paradise for them, it was a hell for wage-earners, and for the French people in general, as she demonstrated in another book, Industriels et banquiers sous l’Occupation (Armand Colin, Paris, 2013). In a new study, Les Elites francaises entre 1940 et 1944 (Armand Colin, Paris, 2016), the historian focuses on another aspect of the saga of the top layer of French society in the1930s and 1940s: the passage from German to American tutelage.

"La résistance? C'était toujours les communistes et socialistes!"—M. Thorez

Defeats suffered by the Wehrmacht at Moscow (end of 1941) and especially Stalingrad (winter 1942–1943), as well as the entry of the U.S. into the war and the Anglo-American landings in North Africa (November 1942) made it clear to the French elites that Germany would lose the war, and the inevitable Soviet victory would likely produce the triumph of the “mainly working-class and communist” Resistance in France, just deserts for the collaborators, and revolutionary changes that might spell the end of their wealth, power, and privileges. To avoid such a potentially catastrophic scenario, the majority of politicians, military leaders, industrialists, bankers, and other members of France’s elite, directly or indirectly responsible for the betrayal of 1940 and implicated in the crimes of Vichy’s repressive and even murderous collaborator regime, discreetly began to abandon the sinking German ship and prepare for an “American future.” They hoped that the German occupation of France would be followed by a U.S. occupation, which would avoid “disorder,” their byword for revolutionary change associated withthe Resistance; and in the contextof a Pax Americana engendered by an American victory, their pro-Nazi sins would be forgiven and forgotten, allowing them to maintain their traditional privileges as well as some of the new privileges acquired under the auspices of the Vichy regime. They looked forward to a new France that, under American auspices, would reveal itself to be a “Vichy without Vichy.”

It was possible to dream of this outcome because American leaders also hated the idea of communists and other Resisters taking power in France upon the end of the German occupation, introducing “profound [political and socialeconomic] changes” and perhaps opening the door to Soviet influence. Washington had nothing against the Vichy regime, with which it maintained good diplomatic relations until January 1943, and the U.S. authorities, headed by Roosevelt, long hoped that, after the war, Petain or one of the other Vichy leaders not too soiled by their germanophilia—such as Weygand and Darlan— would remain in power in France, perhaps after a slight “parliamentary patching” of the same system. “The American future” was concocted during negotiations in North Africa, where the U.S. had several consulates, in Spain and Switzerland, where Bern was the home base of the American secret agent Allen Dulles, who “watched over the future of France” and of Europe in general.

France’s Nazi masters tolerated these initiatives, because the Reich’s elite was planning for its own “American future,” which involved industrialists and German bankers with good American contacts—including Dulles—and even heads of the SS/Gestapo. In order to allow some of the German elite’s keenest Hitler-“enablers” and supporters/beneficiaries of his regime, for example, the banker Hjalmar Schacht, to pose as “resisters” when the Third Reich would finally crumble, they were interned in concentration camps such as Dachau, but in VIP-sections where they were “entirely separated from the mass of the inmates of the camp itself” and well treated. Similarly, the German authorities in France were kind enough to arrest many prominent collaborators and “deport” them to the Reich, to wait out the end of the war in a comfortable “detention of honour,” for example, in hotels in Bad Godesberg and the Tyrol. This experience would serve as a “badge of ‘resistance’,” allowing them to pose as patriotic heroes on their return to France in1945. In 1940, when the French elite opted for a German tutor to “safeguard their wealth,” a compatible French leader, Petain, was already waiting in the wings.
(to be continued)
•••

Choosing a French leader compatible with the new, American tutor turned out to be far less easy. The tandem of the French elite and the American authorities detested what may now appear to have been the obvious choice, namely Charles de Gaulle, the leader of the “Free French.” The reason? They regarded de Gaulle as a “harbinger of bolshevism,” as nothing more than “a springboard to power for the communists.” It was only very late, namely on October 23, 1944, several months after the landing in Normandy and the beginning of the liberation of the country, that de Gaulle was recognized officially by Washington as head of the provisional government of the French Republic. This became possible because of several factors. First, the Americans had come to realize that the French people would not tolerate that “the Vichy-system might remain in place.” Conversely, they understood that de Gaulle, a paragon of patriotism, enjoyed great popularity and the support of a large part of the Resistance. Therefore, they needed him to “neutralize the communists as soon as the hostilities came to an end.” Second, de Gaulle indulged the Americans by adopting a “normal” policy, that is, a conservative policy that would not in any way threaten “the social-economic status quo”; and he undertook to “recycle” numerous Vichy-collaborators who happened to be favorites of the Americans. Third, the leader of the “Free French” distanced himself from the Soviet Union. In this manner, Gaullism was “made respectable” and de Gaulle discreetly morphed into the kind of “right-wing leader” that was acceptable to both the French elite and the Americans, successors of the Germans in the role of “protectors” of the interests of the elite. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the real new masters of France—and most of the rest of Europe—he remained a kind of “rebel” who would continue to give them headaches.

Like other books by Annie Lacroix-Riz, Les Elites francaises entre 1940 et 1944 is a surprising, fascinating study, rigorously and thoroughly documented. In her previous book, Aux origines du carcan europeen (1900–1960): La France sous influence allemande et americaine (Paris, Editions Delga, 2014), we learn how, at the end of World War II, the U.S. were able to consolidate their economic and political domination of Western Europe through the creation of European institutions. This was done in collaboration with French, German, and other elites, including “recycled” Vichy-collaborators such as Jean Monnet. In this context too, their former antagonist, de Gaulle, frequently revealed himself to be a nuisance. On the other hand, without de Gaulle, America would have found it much harder, and perhaps even impossible, to succeed Nazi Germany as the hegemon of France and most of Europe. France’s elite consisted, not exclusively but certainly overwhelmingly, of industrialists and bankers, of “big business.” That French big business meekly allowed itself to be surbordinated, first to a German, and subsequently to an American “tutor,” can only be properly understood in the context of the increasing rivalries and conflicts among imperialist systems in the 20th century, from WW I to II, described in my contribution to the Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism. In 1945, the U.S. emerged as the winner thanks to the only serious challenger, Nazi Germany, being eliminated by the Soviet Union, embodiment of anti-imperialism and anti-capitalism in general. In France, big business feared being obliterated by a triumph of its leftist “interior enemy,” a triumph that was likely to mirror the victory of the Soviets over the Nazis and the latter’s withdrawal from France. Becoming a “junior partner” of U.S. imperialism appeared to be the only way to escape this nasty fate.

In the late summer of 1944 it was the turn of France and Belgium to be liberated. The Americans and their British partner now had the opportunity to help decide which kind of political and socio-economic systems would emerge in these countries. Their attention naturally focused on France, a country that only a few years earlier had still loomed as a major power of the calibre of the United States and Great Britain. In France, however, the situation was extremely complex. In Vichy, Marshall Pétain presided over a collaborator regime that cultivated the conservative traditions of Ancien Regime France, in other words of France before the Great Revolution of 1789, and which considered itself, and was considered by many Frenchmen, to be the legitimate government of the country. In London, however, a certain Charles de Gaulle, also a conservative man, fulminated as much against Vichy as against the Germans and in French-language BBC broadcasts spoke eloquently of a rebirth of France that could and would become reality under his authoritarian leadership.
...
In occupied France itself, a variety of resistance groups were active. The Resistance Front, a broad movement in which the communists played an important role although they did not control the leadership, was determined that after the war the clock would not simply be turned back to 1939; in contrast to both Pétain and de Gaulle, the rank and file as well as Resistance leaders dreamed of more or less radical social and economic reforms that were eventually codified in the “Charter of the Resistance” of March 1944. (This charter called for “the introduction of a genuine economic and social democracy, involving the expropriation of the big economic and financial organizations” and “the socialization [le retour à la Nation] of the [most important] means of production such as sources of energy and mineral wealth, and of the insurance companies and great banks.”) Virtually all members of the Resistance despised Pétain and many of them found de Gaulle not only politically too authoritarian but also socially too conservative. The personality of de Gaulle, then, definitely did not dominate the Resistance, as many would learn to assume after the war, and in France itself the Gaullists remained a minority for the duration of the war.
...
“Although precise figures do not exist,” writes Kolko, “within France itself the Resistance groups that were Gaullist in ideology were always in a small minority [and] in many key parts of France they hardly existed at all.” In spite of this, de Gaulle enjoyed considerable influence on the Resistance, mainly because of his contacts in Great Britain, which controlled the supply of weapons to the patriots in France. Churchill hoped to manipulate de Gaulle for his own purposes: not only to eliminate communist influence in France itself but also to integrate France into a post-war block of Western European countries that, under Great Britain’s leadership, might be able to pit itself against the United States and the USSR, the two countries whose emergence as superpowers Churchill foresaw and feared. As for American leaders, including President Roosevelt, they had little feeling and even less understanding for the French imbroglio.
...
They found it mystifying that the French patriots appeared to long for more than just the withdrawal of the Germans from their country and the return of the political, social, and economic status quo. The US authorities were as concerned as Churchill about the radical tendencies in general, and the communist influence in particular, within the Resistance and about this movement’s relatively radical socio-economic plans for the future. Such plans might have enjoyed wide popular support within France itself, but they did not fit into the conservative vision of the liberators. The Roosevelt administration actually preferred the collaborator Pétain over a resistance that turned out to be so left-oriented, and also over de Gaulle, perceived as a chauvinistic Frenchman `who was insufficiently subservient to London and Washington. In the White House the latter was considered almost intolerable, and not without reason he was also seen as a potential puppet of Churchill, who would favour British rather than American interests in post-war France. (continued below)

...

Washington would have preferred to be rid of de Gaulle, so at one point Roosevelt proposed to Churchill to arrange for the French general’s appointment as governor of Madagascar! At the time of the landings in French North Africa, which caused Vichy to break off diplomatic relations with Washington, the Americans did not even inform de Gaulle about their plans. They negotiated a ceasefire with the Pétainist French commander in North Africa, François Darlan, and appeared ready to recognize the latter as head of state of liberated French colonies. De Gaulle was furious, and within the United States itself there was a public outcry against such cooperation with a former collaborator. The problem was conveniently resolved when Darlan was assassinated in Algiers, possibly by Gaullist agents. Washington came to understand only very slowly that there could be no place for the collaborator regime of Vichy in post-war France. Consequently, the Americans procrastinated very long before they finally gave their sup port to de Gaulle. They had no sympathy whatsoever for him, as little, in fact, as he had for them, and they would continue to have problems with him. Not without reason, the Americans considered de Gaulle an arrogant megalomaniac. “A narrow-minded French zealot with too much ambition for his own good,” as Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson wrote in his diary, echoing the view of President Roosevelt. However, de Gaulle offered Washington two advantages: first, his reputation was not soiled by collaboration, as was the case for Pétainists such as Darlan; second, his plans for post-war France did not call for radical, possibly even revolutionary, social and economic experiments akin to those of the leftist Resistance.

The first quality made him acceptable to the French themselves, the second quality made him acceptable to the Americans and the British. “De Gaulle is bad,” Stimson confided to his diary, “but not to deal with him is worse.” Indeed, unlike the ultra-conservative, reactionary Pétainists, the non-Gaullist Resistance loomed as a threat to US interests. Its plans for socio-economic reforms, outlined in the Charter of the Resistance, were perceived in Washington as communist-inspired, and the prospect of a Red revolution in France deeply troubled many American leaders, including President Roosevelt, as Stimson reported. Another perceived threat to American interests was that the communist and other leftist partisans of France aimed to cultivate friendly relations with the Soviet Union. From an American intelligence station in Berne, Switzerland, which monitored developments in German-occupied Europe, came urgent warnings that the non-Gaullist National Committee of Liberation “had a dangerous tendency to strengthen pro-Russian sentiment among the French.” Someone was needed, observes Kolko, “who could save France from the Left,” someone who was “qualified to control” the influential communists within the Resistance, and the dis agreeable de Gaulle revealed himself to be the only one who could and would take on this mission. Kolko dryly concludes: “If the Americans did not like de Gaulle they preferred [French] Bolsheviks even less.” And so from the summer of 1944 Washington gradually followed Great Britain’s example and helped to support de Gaulle’s ambition of becoming the leader of post-war France.
...
On October 23 of that same year, Washington finally recognized him as the legitimate head of the French government. Shortly after the landings in Normandy, de Gaulle was repatriated to his homeland for the purpose of presenting him to the French people as hero and leader of the Resistance and to have him acclaimed as the head of government of a liberated and rejuvenated France. But in France itself, and particularly within the Resistance, there was far less enthusiasm for this fabricated coronation ceremony than one generally assumes today. Alternative plans were concocted. In Paris, for example, the Resistance took up arms against the German garrison as the Allied armies advanced to the French capital. This initiative would cost the lives of many partisans. Why did these patriots not simply wait a few days until the Germans had withdrawn and the Allied tanks rolled into town, so that the liberation party could start? For many Frenchmen it was of course very important that they themselves liberated their capital, the heart and symbol of the nation. In addition, they may have wanted to prevent Hitler’s infamous order for the destruction of Paris from being implemented. That this was all that the Parisian partisans had in mind was wrongly suggested in a much-publicized movie released in the sixties, Is Paris Burning? However, particularly the most radical Resistance fighters took up arms in Paris, and that was no coincidence. They knew that together with the Allied armies the conservative and authoritarian de Gaulle was on his way, and they understood only too well that the British and the Americans planned to bring him to power, to eliminate the left-wing Resistance leaders politically, and thus to stave off their plans for post-war reform. The leftist, radical members of the Resistance had aspired to grab power quickly in Paris, the city that controls the heavily centralized net work of the French state apparatus, in a way that the Western Allies, and their protegé de Gaulle, would have found very difficult to nullify.

 

 

 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Jacques Pauwels Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License

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Things to ponder

While our media prostitutes, many Hollywood celebs, and politicians and opinion shapers make so much noise about the still to be demonstrated damage done by the Russkies to our nonexistent democracy, this is what the sanctimonious US government has done overseas just since the close of World War 2. And this is what we know about. Many other misdeeds are yet to be revealed or documented.

Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” — acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump — a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report

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