It’s Not Really Fascism When Christians Do It

Christian Fascism, Theocracy in America

If Fascism Comes to America, It Will Be Wrapped in the Flag, Carrying the Cross

By Austin Cline, About.com
Christofascism

Fascism is a term commonly used as an epithet for any ideology that a person doesn’t like. Nevertheless, it is a real political phenomenon which can be defined (if with some difficulty) according to particular characteristics. When we look at what fascism really is, we discover that it is not something which must be limited to Germany and Italy of the mid-20th century. It is, instead, a phenomenon which might conceivable occur in any nation at any if the conditions are right. America is no exception.

Robert O. Paxton, a professor emeritus at Columbia University, defines fascism in his book The Anatomy of Fascism as: “A form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion.”

It should be clear that there is nothing fascist about “Islamofascism,” so that’s an example of people using the fascist label as a means of attack rather than as a serious description. Fascism is more like a religion than it is like a political movement. Fascism isn’t motivated by rational conclusions about economics, political philosophy, or social policy. This makes real religions like Christianity well suited for integration with a fascist movement. If fascism occurs in America, it will be Christian in nature because only Christianity has the power to motivate a mass-based movement with a passionate concern for unity, redemption, victimhood, and nationalism. Christian fascism will also be convinced of its own righteousness, moral purity, and godly intentions.

This image was taken from a World War II poster of an American prisoner of war saying “Don’t Let Me Down” and “You are still free to work.” Americans are free to work, but how free are they to enjoy the rest of the liberties which Americans fought and died to protect in World War II? Overt repression in America hasn’t started, but once a people unjustly puts others in shackles, they put on their own shackles as well. One is imprisoned by the brutality of the other; the latter is imprisoned by the need to perpetuate their own brutal methods lest the repressed rise up.

Austin ClineAustin Cline has been actively involved in educating people about atheism, agnosticism, and secular humanism on the Internet for over 15 years.
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• Image © Austin Cline, Licensed to About; Original Poster: National Archives



Why Corporate Media Focuses on Benghazi Instead of Guatemalan Genocide

AlterNet [1] / By Sean McElwee [2]
comments_image
guatemala-genocideLast week two important stories about U.S. foreign policy broke. First, the White House released some 100 pages of e-mails confirming a dastardly scandal: rather than call the Benghazi attack a “terrorist act,” President Obama, in a Nixonian power grab, called it an, “act of terror.”

The second story broke in a country most Americans can’t place on a map—a U.S.-backed dictator in Guatemala, Efrain Rios Montt, was convicted of genocide. This is the first time any such conviction has been reached in a domestic court of law. The  dictator was found guilty on May 10 of overseeing deliberate killings by the armed forces of at least 1,771 members of the Maya Ixil pupulation during his rule between 1982 and 1983, and sentenced to 80 years in prison. (The case has since been overturned, and the constitutional court announced it had thrown out all proceedings in the case dating back to April 19.  Judges quarrelled over who should take the case, and the trail was suspended.)

Yet, the former story has sucked up media coverage and the latter has wallowed in obscurity. Of major U.S. publications, only The New York Times [3] has given the story any real coverage [3] and even there, the coverage of Benghazi dwarfed that of Guatemala. The Wall Street Journal included a few conservative pundits accusing the international left—whatever that is—of playing politics with genocide (more on that later).  Fox News online picked up a few AP wires. But, ultimately, a general Google news search for “Rios Montt” brings up 11,000 results while a search for “Benghazi report” brings up 107,000 results. Benghazi is receiving 10 times more coverage than the first ever domestic court conviction of genocide.

What happened in Guatemala deserves significant contemplation and discussion. Given that it is now a popular trend among neoconservatives to own up to US-inflicted atrocities, it is especially dumbfounding that nobody is covering the issue.

A few of the atrocities committed by US-assigned dictators the world over have inspired retrospective media coverage of various flavors over the years.

In The Atlantic, Robert Kaplan writes that Ethiopia should lament [4] the fact that the U.S. hasn’t installed a Pinochet there. This merits a brief summary of Pinochet’s actions:

The Guardian reported in 2004 [5], “a year-long investigation into state-sponsored torture in Chile has documented that an estimated 35,000 people were abused during the 1973-90 military regime.” The Independent reported in 1998  [6]that, “Prisoners at both centres were subjected to electric shocks, severe beatings, suspensions from ceilings until their wrists tore, and rapes.” A recent Guardian story [7], detailing the torture of the Allende (Allende was the democratically-elected leader that Pinochet overthrew) supporter Leopoldo García Lucero describes some of the torture he faced: “The torture did not stop. He was suspended with weights on his legs, kicked in the testicles and burned with cigarettes.”

Ah, if only the Ethiopians could have had such a benevolent leader. When Pinochet was finally replaced by the democratically-elected Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin the country did not delve into chaos, but rather inequality and poverty—caused by the Western economic reforms Pinochet instituted—decreased, while education reform provided an impetus for upward mobility.

Similarly, in the wake of Iran-Contra, Dick Cheney laid blame not on Oliver North and the Reagan Administration for covertly funding the Contras, but rather on Congress for failing to approve the funds [8]. I’ll let this excerpt from another Guardianreport (quoted in William Blum’s book  [9]Killing Hope [9]) suffice as a rebuttle:

“Rosa had her breasts cut off. Then they cut into her chest and took out her heart. The men had their arms broken, their testicles cut off. They were killed by slitting their throats and pulling the tongue out through the slit.”

Wikileaks recently released a document in which Kissinger said [10], “the illegal we do immediately; the unconstitutional takes a little longer.”

The right in this country has shown a stunning willingness to allow foreign bodies to pile up in vague hopes of protecting “national security.”

Regarding Guatemala, some right-wing hawks have been equally unremorseful. J. Michael Waller calls blaming the US for installing the genocide-committing dictator a case of “easy propaganda.” In Foreign Policy Jose Cardenas writes [11]:

“If someone wants to argue that the Reagan administration’s policy gamble on Ríos Montt to quell the violence did not pan out, then that’s one thing (history books are full of such examples). But to equate it with aiding and abetting “genocide” is beyond the pale. In fact, it is more evidence of an ideological agenda than any noble search for accountability.”

In this retelling, we have a United States that merely supported a facist dictator, with the intent of quelling violence. It’s worth noting that Reagan said the following about Montt [12]:

“I know that President Rios Montt is a man of great personal integrity and commitment. I know he wants to improve the quality of life for all Guatemalans and to promote social justice. My administration will do all it can to support his progressive efforts.”

Let’s examine the evidence:

Exhibit A is the United Nations Commission for Historical Clarification [13] report on the atrocities committed in Guatemala. Rather than support the argument that the U.S. was merely a financial supporter of Montt, the UN’s report argues that many of the crimes originated from U.S doctrines. The report states:

“In the case of Guatemala, military assistance was directed towards reinforcing the national intelligence apparatus and for training the officer corps in counterinsurgency techniques, key factors which had significant bearing on human rights violations during the armed confrontation.”

The report later states:

“Anti-communism and the National Security Doctrine (DSN) formed part of the anti-Soviet strategy of the United States in Latin America. In Guatemala, these were first expressed as anti-reformist, then anti-democratic policies, culminating in criminal counterinsurgency.”

By the right we’re told a story in which the Reagan administration is unaware of the abuses committed in Guatemala, and is even seeking to quell the violence. The Tuth Commission’s sotry is entirely different. In their version, the U.S.National Security Doctrine actively fostered violence.

Onto Exhibit B. This recently declassified memo from the U.S. embassy in Guatemala [14] shows U.S. officials downplaying the atrocities committed in Guatemala, for fear that Congress would cut military funding:

“We conclude that a concerted disinformation campaign is being waged in the U.S. against the Guatemalan government by groups supporting the Communist insurgency in Guatemala… The campaign’s object is simple: to deny the Guatemalan Army the weapons and equipment needed from the U.S. to defeat the Guerrillas.”

We now know the crimes US officials tried to downplay in the above memo indeed occurred. According to the United Nations Commission for Historical Clarification [13] report—the authoritative document on the crimes committed in Guatemala—found that 93 percent of the crimes were committed by US-backed government forces, not the “Communist” rebels.

So, why is our corporate media so slow to report on these US-backed atrocities?

Perhaps it is because creating psedo-scandals, and downplaying the real ones, serves an important purpose: it brings in advertisers. The target-market for advertisers in the mainstream, corporate-owned media are educated elites. Educated elites don’t generally want to read about dead Ixil Indians, so newspapers shy away from the story—or sugarcoat it like Mary O’Grady does in the Wall Street Journal:

“The tragedy was that the guerrilla strategy had brought the war to the Ixil lands in order to use the civilians. When the army, bent on rooting out the terror, followed, the population was forced to take sides or be caught in the crossfire. That’s why so many died.”

Of course, that’s not what happened. Montt believed that the Ixil Indians were inferior people. The offensive was premeditated, not a case of tragic Indians getting “caught in the crossfire.” The following news clippings make this clear:

Reuters describes what occurred thusly:

When Rios Montt was in power, his government launched a fierce offensive in which soldiers raped, tortured and killed tens of thousands of Maya villagers suspected of helping Marxist rebels. Thousands more were forced into exile or had to join paramilitary forces fighting the insurgents.

 

Rigoberta Menchu, who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in1992, described the murder of her family [15] as follows:

As for my mother, we never found her remains, either. … If her remains weren’t eaten by wild animals after having been tortured brutally and humiliated, then her remains are probably in a mass grave close to the Ixil region. … My father was also burned alive in the embassy of Spain [in Guatemala City] on January 30th, 1980.

The propaganda model that prevades our news media, predicts that real scandals—ones that involve corporate interests and widespread atrocities—will go unreported. If they are reported, they will not occur in US client states and if they do, US involvement will be downplayed or praised as “necessary” to root out Marxism or bring about some better good.

Noam Chomsky writes,

“… a propaganda model suggests that the societal purpose of the media is a inculcate and defend the economic, social and political agenda of privileged groups that dominate the domestic society and the state. The media serves this purpose in many ways: through selection of topics, distribution of concerns, framing of issues, filtering of information, emphasis and tone, and by keeping debate within the bounds of acceptable premises.”

Sadly, last week proved this true.


Source URL: http://www.alternet.org/media/why-corporate-media-focuses-benghazi-instead-guatemalan-genocide

Links:
[1] http://www.alternet.org
[2] http://www.alternet.org/authors/sean-mcelwee
[3] http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/17/world/americas/trial-on-guatemalan-civil-war-carnage-leaves-out-us-role.html?_r=0
[4] http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2013/05/the-statesman/309283/
[5] http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/nov/15/chile.jonathanfranklin
[6] http://www.independent.co.uk/news/victims-of-pinochets-police-prepare-to-reveal-details-of-rape-and-torture-1183793.html
[7] http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/may/06/chile-americas
[8] http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/09/opinion/09wilentz.html?pagewanted=all
[9] http://books.google.com/books?id=-IbQvd13uToC&pg=PA293&lpg=PA293&dq=Rosa+had+her+breasts+cut+off.+Then+they+cut+into+her+chest+and+took+out+her+heart.&source=bl&ots=cHwcEiFh8I&sig=q3BflCtzdYmygNHABtUJItoXXWM&hl=en&sa=X&ei=38eaUZiuK7Wt4AOn94G4AQ&ved=0CDEQ6#v=onepage&q=Rosa%20had%20her%20breasts%20cut%20off.%20Then%20they%20cut%20into%20her%20chest%20and%20took%20out%20her%20heart.&f=false
[10] http://www.alternet.org/world/top-10-most-inhuman-henry-kissinger-quotes
[11] http://shadow.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/05/20/did_reagan_finance_genocide_in_guatemala
[12] http://www.fair.org/blog/2013/05/20/bum-rap-the-u-s-role-in-guatemalan-genocide/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=bum-rap-the-u-s-role-in-guatemalan-genocide
[13] http://shr.aaas.org/guatemala/ceh/report/english/toc.html
[14] http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB11/docs/doc16.pdf
[15] http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/may/17/guatemala-victory-highlights-us-failure
[16] http://www.alternet.org/tags/dictatorship
[17] http://www.alternet.org/tags/montt
[18] http://www.alternet.org/tags/benghazi-0
[19] http://www.alternet.org/tags/guatemala-0
[20] http://www.alternet.org/%2Bnew_src%2B




The Jesuit Pope – Who is Francis and who he pretends to be

Written by Esquerda Marxista editorial board Wednesday, 15 May 2013

Francis-I

The election of Pope Francis marks a turn in the prolonged crisis of the Catholic Church. It is important for revolutionaries to understand the reasons for the ongoing struggle within the Church. Far from moving to the left, Francis is trying to entrench the Church in defence of the present system and shield it from revolution and the class struggle. Francis is calling for the Church to renew itself and to move towards the poor. This is raising expectations within the popular masses of the Church but will inevitably collide with the brutal reality and the vested interests of the Vatican apparatus.

“(…) Benedict was at the time much more aware of the political situation than many other writers, analysts and journalists. And he clearly identified what to fight against. His problem, then and now, was that instead of a church on a war footing, like that envisaged by Ignatius of Loyola, he had in his hands a church seeped in the quest for profit and ‘fashion’, where his bishops and cardinals cared more about their earthly affairs than their actual duty of combatting for the kingdom of heaven.” (Luiz Bicalho, The resignation of Benedict XVI – Truths and Lies)

If we, as Marxists, were aware of this problem, the college of cardinals, the Conclave that elected Francis, also showed they were. They know what it takes to do something with this pachyderm which oozes from every pore mud, lies, immorality, wealth, methods and actions of which the Italian mafia, Cosa Nostra, would be envious.

The problem is that any attempt to shift towards recovering the Catholic Church as a militant church, clashes with the reality of what today is the Vatican and its international structure. So the Conclave attempted a new feature by electing a Jesuit Pope, the first of this order to achieve this position. Yes, Francis can be criticized in many ways, as Benedict XVI could be. First and foremost for his behaviour towards the Argentine dictatorship. But the Jesuits are a much more dangerous opponent than other religious orders, and with this article we aim to remind you of this fact.

The origin of the Jesuits

The Middle Ages, the time of lords and serfs, began its decline between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, its crisis culminating in the English revolution of 1640 and the French revolution of 1789. But the bourgeoisie had a fair share of economic power in these centuries and the invention of the printing press, the great voyages of discovery that opened the world to a new trade and economic power, the financial ruin of the nobility, the cities that were achieving their freedom charters, all showed a new world that was emerging.

In feudalism, as in antiquity, the rule was simple: the people’s religion was that of the feudal lord, the king. And whoever did not agree was dead. Religion was part of the structure of the state, was one of the pillars of the structure of domination. The bourgeoisie, albeit unconsciously, began to challenge it. And it was so that priests like Luther and Calvin who challenged the dogmas of the Catholic Church had a much bigger impact than others who had failed previously. The new class which was emerging found its spokesmen amongst religious scholars disputing the official church.

The Catholic Church, meanwhile, began to adapt to the new times. On the one hand, taking positions which were more “compatible” with the modern world, adapting to the changing times in which interest and trade were allowed and, on the other hand, establishing a special group of militants, organized, armed and fighting for the supremacy of the Catholic Church itself, at all levels. It did so by fighting for educating, by preaching, by enforcing the conversion of new people (the world was growing and expanding – from the point of view of the Europeans – meaning that there was a whole world to conquer and convert) and even by ways of confrontation including armed conflict. Ignatius of Loyola, first Superior General of the Jesuits, a former soldier wounded in war, was the man building this apparatus. He created the Jesuit order, a military order that has obedience in its motto.

Fiercely criticized by all their opponents, Trotsky briefly recalls the role that these men played in the maintenance of the Catholic Church:

“ ‘The End Justifies the Means’

The order of the Jesuits achieved successes and failures, and together with the whole of Catholicism, became in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century an army deployed in the fight against communism. But the time of the priest warriors was, at least for most of them, past. Still, they fulfilled and played a role in the class struggle. A large number of priests who embraced the liberation theology came from their ranks, and even if a few passed on our side, to the side of the revolution, most followed the path of Francis as critics of the evils of capitalism (but in order to better defend this system) and preaching that Christian charity and prayer to God will solve our problems, if not on earth, in heaven perhaps.

Trotsky, taking stock of the Church in general and of its fighting body, the Jesuits, thus ended his short analysis:

“However, the juxtaposition of Bolshevism and Jesuitism still remains completely one-sided and superficial, rather of a literary than historical kind. In accordance with the character and interests of those classes upon which they based themselves, the Jesuits represented reaction, the Protestants, progress. The limitedness of this ‘progress’ in its turn found direct expression in the morality of the Protestants. Thus the teachings of Christ ‘purified’ by them did not at all hinder the city bourgeois, Luther, from calling for the execution of revolting peasants as ‘mad dogs’. Dr. Martin evidently considered that the ‘end justifies the means’ even before that maxim was attributed to the Jesuits. In turn the Jesuits, competing with Protestantism, adapted themselves ever more to the spirit of bourgeois society, and of the three vows: poverty, chastity, and obedience, preserved only the third, and at that in an extremely attenuated form. From the point of view of the Christian ideal, the morality of the Jesuits degenerated the more they ceased to be Jesuits. The warriors of the church became its bureaucrats and, like all bureaucrats, passable swindlers.” [2]

Yes, this is true for most Jesuits, but we must remember that they are still the largest Catholic order that exists today and that our bishop of Rome, Francis, seems to follow the three vows with conviction. We do not know yet to what extent he can achieve that these three vows win a majority in the Church, but we know he is not just a “supporter” of dictators. After all, he ran against Benedict XVI, lost the election in the last conclave and, unlike other losers, did not desist and came back, this time being elected, against all predictions by the Vatican “experts”.

A militant Pope

As soon as this committed and dedicated right-wing militant was elected, he abruptly broke with all the signs of the bureaucracy and has made the media his allies. He solemnly despises the charges of collaborating with the dictatorship and, as Benedict XVI, he is discussing issues which are important to the mainstream media like the legalization of drugs and homosexuality. But going straight to the point, appealing to the kindness of the rulers and powerful of the world:

“Please, I would like to ask all those who have positions of responsibility in economic, political and social life, and all men and women of goodwill: let us be ‘protectors’ of creation, protectors of God’s plan inscribed in nature, protectors of one another and of the environment. Let us not allow omens of destruction and death to accompany the advance of this world! But to be ‘protectors’, we also have to keep watch over ourselves! Let us not forget that hatred, envy and pride defile our lives! Being protectors, then, also means keeping watch over our emotions, over our hearts, because they are the seat of good and evil intentions: intentions that build up and tear down! We must not be afraid of goodness or even tenderness!” [3]

Yes, this is Francis, the cardinal who was a friend of dictators in Argentina and consistently fighting for his agenda. Similarly, adhering to the lifestyle of the early Jesuits, Francis prefers using public transport, cooks his own food, lives in a small apartment and does not carry on himself signs of wealth or anything that could remind of the scandals of sexual abuse. But he is also a militant and combative partisan of his cause. Unlike Benedict, who accepted the display of wealth, Francis is trying to abolish it but probably, like Benedict, he will collide with the bureaucratic routine of the Vatican, the Roman Curia.

In the last conclave, he ended up second in the race of the vote, against Benedict XVI. But then he took advantage of the time he was given to campaign for his cause. He broadened his circle of friends and gained as one of his more faithful constituents and counsellor Cardinal Claudio Hummes, former Archbishop of São Paulo, and successor of Cardinal Archbishop Emeritus Evaristo Arns. If Arns was identified with the Catholic left and the struggle against the dictatorship, this is not exactly the case for Hummes, a man handpicked to change the ostensibly leftist face of the Church of São Paulo. Claudio Hummes, was archbishop of São Paulo, then cardinal; in the Roman Curia he was Prefect of the Sacred Congregation for the Clergy – a man from within the apparatus. At the last annual meeting of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil, held in Aparecida, it was him that chaired the committee which drafted the final document of the Assembly.

Moreover, Francis goes back directly to the Gospels and unlike the major theological studies of Benedict, he appeals directly to the early writings of the Church, the militant Church, but a militancy that preaches peace on earth, “give to Cesar what belongs to Cesar”, and hope in heaven as a way to solve social problems. So, that which Francis preaches is charity and forgiveness:

Rerum Novarum lists errors that give rise to social ills, excludes socialism as a remedy and expounds with precision and in contemporary terms ‘the Catholic doctrine on work, the right to property, the principle of collaboration instead of class struggle as the fundamental means for social change, the rights of the weak, the dignity of the poor and the obligations of the rich, the perfecting of justice through charity, on the right to form professional associations’.” [6]

As Marxists, it is worth understanding the reasons for the ongoing struggle. We need to understand that this fight, which initially has rallied even many Catholics who define themselves as leftist, in defence of Francis, will inevitably collide with the brutal reality, with the class struggle and the cracks which cannot be repaired within the Vatican apparatus. This will release many forces in the grassroots of the Church and will cause a lot of demoralization. The wind of change will clash against bureaucracy, luxury and Church property. Through this traumatic experience many who today retain their faith and look with hope, will liberate themselves and move towards the revolution. Others will be co-opted by the counter-revolution. Understanding this process will help those who honestly want to help the liberation of the poor and help them understand the process of class struggle and decide to become fighters for the revolution. This is the task that is imposed on us.

[1] Trotsky, Their Morals and Ours, 1938.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Homily of Pope Francis, March 19, 2013.

[4] Address of the Holy Father Pope Francis, March 16, 2013.

[5] The Church has shown a tremendous ability to adapt to new times, unlike other institutions. It began as the religion of the poor, slaves and destitute. It grew from the defeat of the revolt of Spartacus, symbolizing the Roman Empire could not be defeated on Earth, but only in heaven. It was adopted, then, by emperor Constantine as a way of holding together the empire at a time of decadence in the face of barbarian invasions. Later, it adapted to the changing times and “evangelized” the barbaric conquerors, providing them with the ideological apparatus and that of justice necessary for a “regular” functioning of the feudal system. The price for this was paid with the schism of the East (Orthodox Church). Its conversion to capitalism was also slow and cost the Church the schism of “Protestantism”.

[6] Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, 2004


http://www.marxist.com/the-jesuit-pope-who-is-francis-and-who-he-pretends-to-be.htm




Argentina’s General Videla and the “war on terror”

By Bill Van Auken, wsws.org

Gen. Videla during the Dirty War," in the late 1970s. One more bloody henchman for the US empire.

Gen. Videla during the “Dirty War,” in the late 1970s. One more bloody henchman for the US empire.

Gen. Jorge Rafael Videla died May 17 at the age of 87 as the result of injuries suffered from a fall in a prison shower. He was remembered as the head of a savage military dictatorship that between 1976 and 1983 murdered and “disappeared” some 30,000 Argentine workers, socialist militants, teachers, students and others perceived as “subversives,” while torturing at least 100,000 others. In his own country, newspapers that once backed his rule condemned him as a dictator and practitioner of state terror.

Yet one cannot help but suspect that within the military and intelligence apparatus in the US and Latin America—not to mention among the ruling financial interests that he served—the aged general’s passing has been mourned.

He was, after all, a pioneer in the “war on terrorism,” writing the textbook on methods of extra-constitutional rule, repression and state violence that have been largely embraced by ruling circles in Washington and elsewhere. Undoubtedly, there are those engaged in this line of work today who see him as something of a visionary.

gen.VidelaThree days before his death, the ex-dictator appeared as the principal defendant before an Argentine court hearing charges relating to Operation Condor, a [US coordinated] joint endeavor by Latin America’s ruling dictatorships of the 1970s to hunt down and murder one another’s opponents, wherever they might be found.

As in previous trials, Videla claimed a loss of memory about the events of that period, while unconditionally defending the actions taken by his regime and the military as necessary in an “anti-terrorist war.”

Operation Condor involved the combined efforts of military regimes in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay, with indispensable logistical support and military aid from the Pentagon and the CIA.

It resulted in the abduction and murder of a number of individuals seen as opponents of the dictatorial regimes. This included the Washington, DC car bomb killing of Orlando Letelier, the former Chilean foreign minister in the Allende government, the assassinations of former Bolivian president Juan José Torres and former Uruguayan deputies Héctor Gutiérrez and Zelmar Michelini in Buenos Aires, and the assassinations of former Brazilian presidents Joao Goulart and Juscelino Kubitschek, whose deaths were made to appear, respectively, as a heart attack and a car accident.

In official US parlance, the methods employed under Condor are known as “rendition” and “targeted assassinations.” They would be well understood by today’s CIA and special operations personnel.

All of the Condor regimes were staffed by senior military personnel who had been trained at the Army’s School of the Americas in Panama and other US military facilities, and all of them had US military advisers, received substantial US military aid, and hosted well-staffed CIA stations.

Previously secret State Department documents make it clear that Washington understood Videla’s intentions from the beginning and fully supported them. One of these documents records an exchange between then-Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and his assistant secretary of state for Latin America, William Rogers, two days after Videla seized power.

Rogers told Kissinger that Washington must “expect a fair amount of repression, probably a good deal of blood, in Argentina before too long. I think they’re going to have to come down not only on the terrorists but on the dissidents of trade unions and their parties.”

While Rogers suggested delaying official recognition of the junta out of public relations concerns, Kissinger ordered full US support. “Whatever chance they have,” he stressed, “they will need a little encouragement from us.”

Among those involved in implementing this policy in 1976 were Richard Cheney, then the White House chief of staff, and Donald Rumsfeld, who was defense secretary. Twenty five years later, both would reemerge as principal architects of the US “global war on terror.”

With Washington’s blessing, Videla and his fellow officers set about what they dubbed the “process of national reorganization,” or el proceso.

Among its first steps was the suspension of basic democratic rights, including habeas corpus guarantees against imprisonment without charges or trials. The dictatorship outlawed unions and political parties and disbanded the legislature. Strikes and protests were turned into grave crimes against “national security.”

A network of clandestine prisons was set up, including the notorious dungeons of ESMA (the Navy School of Mechanics), the army’s Campo de Mayo, and scores of others scattered across the country. There, detainees were subjected to vicious forms of torture, including beatings, electric shocks, prolonged submersion in foul water, forced denial of sleep, extreme temperature and noise, attacks by trained dogs, simulated executions and sexual torture and humiliation.

Virtually all of these methods came into common usage at Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib and CIA “black sites” across the globe a quarter of a century later.

After being subjected to torture, the great majority of the victims were murdered, many of them drugged, loaded onto military aircraft and dropped naked to drown in the Rio de la Plata or the Atlantic Ocean.

The positive attitude of the US military toward the junta was reflected in an article appearing in the June 1978 edition of Parameters, the journal of the US Army War College, which noted approvingly that “General Jorge Rafael Videla, who heads Argentina’s military junta, has permitted the authorities to adopt more rigorous measures” against “terrorism.” It praised Videla as a “moderate committed to returning the country to democracy once the foundations have been established for stability.”

By this time, as one of the declassified State Department documents revealed, the official estimate of the number of Argentines murdered in this crusade for “stability” stood at 22,000.

Fully 40 percent of the junta’s victims were militant workers and union members. Torture centers were set up inside some of the country’s major factories, including a Ford auto plant. The Peronist union bureaucracy collaborated in this extermination campaign, helping to form death squads even before the military took power.

The repression had definite class and economic aims. The dictatorship managed to cut wages in half within its first year, reducing workers’ share of the national income from 48.5 percent to only 29 percent. Universal health care was abolished in favor of for-profit insurance companies, and other forms of social assistance were eliminated or drastically curtailed. In essence, the junta oversaw a vast transfer of social wealth from Argentine working people to the country’s ruling class, the transnational corporations and international finance capital.

This is not merely a matter of historical interest. Faced with the deepest economic crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s, the ruling establishments in the US and internationally are attempting to effect a similar transfer of social wealth today. And, under the mantle of a “war on terror”—the same justification given by Videla—the US government, beginning with the Bush administration and accelerating under Obama, has already put in place the legal and institutional framework for Argentine-style repression.

The Obama administration has arrogated to itself the power to subject US citizens to indefinite military detention without charges or trials, i.e., to conduct “disappearances.” A White House that regularly draws up “kill lists” for assassinations and massacres abroad has specified that it can order such killings of American citizens residing within the US itself if it deems them “terrorist” enemies of the state.

Those who look at the horrors of Argentina under Videla’s junta and think, “It can’t happen here,” are only fooling themselves.

Bill Van Auken is a senior analyst with wsws.org, information arm of the Social Equality Party.




Guatemala’s Mayan Community Wins One For a Change

Efrain Rios Montt Sent to Jail

Reagan-Mont comp.preview

by John Grant 

I saw the masked men
throwing truth into a well.
When I began to weep for it
I found it everywhere.

– Claudia Lars (El Salvador)

Those of us who have struggled for peace and justice over the past decades don’t have much to celebrate these days. But the news from Guatemala that a female judge — Yasmin Barrios — was able to successfully manage a trial in that benighted nation and convict former President Efrain Rios Montt of genocide is something to rejoice about. It suggests it’s no longer business as usual in Latin America — especially vis-à-vis the United States.

The big stick of North American imperialism from Teddy Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan appears to be dwindling in size. The sentencing of a Guatemalan president to 80 years in prison [1] for employing scorched earth tactics against native Mayan Indians is an amazing milestone — and an incredible story to boot.

Following a 1954 US-directed coup that overthrew democratically elected President Jacobo Arbenz for his efforts at agrarian reform, the tiny Central American nation descended into a condition that can only be characterized, for the native Mayan people, as a state of Hell-on-Earth. The fact that President Rios Montt undertook his systematic slaughter of many thousands of Mayan peasants with the endorsement of Ronald Reagan only makes the conviction that much sweeter..

In the photograph (see above), at left, Ronald Reagan, “the Great Communicator,” meets with Rios Montt, who is holding a document titled “This government has the commitment to change.” At the time, Reagan said Rios Montt was “a man of great personal integrity and commitment” who wanted to “promote social justice.” At right, is a line of bodies from one of the Guatemalan army’s massacres of people who, no doubt, were deemed “communists” and, therefore, inhuman and justifiably slaughtered like vermin.

Army General Efrain Rios Montt became president of Guatemala thanks to a coup in March 1982. He was, then, deposed by another coup in August 1983. This was a time when Mr. Reagan was hypnotizing the American people with his aw-shucks, soothing Hollywood narcotic speech tones.

Previous to the supportive Reagan administration, the Carter administration had cut off military aid to the Guatemalan military. But, then, our representatives in Washington cut a deal with Israel [2] to arm the Guatemalan army and, thanks to lots of experience with Palestinians, to teach them how to monitor and keep track of the Mayans utilizing computerized records and other hi-tech tricks. Rios Montt reportedly once told ABC News that his success was due to the fact that “our soldiers were trained by Israelis.”

What arguably prepared the ground for the Rios Montt trial was the 1998 murder of Bishop Juan Gerardi, bludgeoned to death by a cinder block in his garage in Guatemala City. Gerardi directed the Guatemalan arch-diocese’s human rights agency, known by the acronym ODHA. Two days before his murder on April 26, ODHA had released a document titled Nunca Mas or Never Again, a four-volume document that detailed the horrors of the 70s and 80s.

Francisco Goldman [3] followed the case for years and wrote an incredible account called The Art of Political Murder: Who Killed the Bishop? It is a labyrinthine and bizarre tale complicated with death threats, charges of homosexual priests and a German shepherd named Baloo. After three years, three military men were convicted and sentenced to thirty years each for the murder. During the trial, one of those men, Colonel Byron Disrael Lima Estrada, said he was “just the point of the spear. Once they’ve created a judicial precedent, then they’re going to go after the others.”

“For half a century the military’s clandestine world had seemed impregnable,” Goldman writes. “The Gerardi case had opened a path into the darkness.” The bishop had been murdered because his work for the poor of Guatemala had directly threatened the “clandestine underbelly of official power — and their criminal rackets.”

Murdered Bishop Juan Gerardi, left, ODHA's Nunca Mas report, and Bishop Mario Rios MontMurdered Bishop Juan Gerardi, left, ODHA’s Nunca Mas report, and Bishop Mario Rios Mont

The Gerardi story literally intersects with the Rios Montt story. With the death of Bishop Gerardi, the archdiocese appointed the brother of Efrain Rios Montt — Catholic Bishop Mario Rios Mont [4] (unlike his brother, he spells his surname with a single “t”) — as director of ODHA, the human rights office. It seems the two brothers were diametrically opposed on the politics of the poor, with Mario assuming some liberation theology views. This may explain why General and President Rios Montt abandoned Catholicism and became a born-again evangelical protestant using apocalyptic language out of The Book of Revelations. At the time, Rios Montt was a personal friend of Pat Robertson [5]. (You may recall it was Robertson who on TV publicly called for the assassination of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.)

In what now seems a weirdly prescient remark, during the Gerardi murder trial Bishop Rios Mont said this, referring to the Guatemalan military’s immense clandestine power: “…as long as this power behind the throne exists, Guatemala will not be free, nor will it have justice or peace. Here, presidents come, and presidents go. Just when we thought we’d recovered an environment that made it possible to live in peace, they answered: Here take your dead man, who tried to discover the truth.”

I made ten trips to Central America in the 1980s and ‘90s as a documentary photographer. It was a time when anyone trying to call attention to this kind of violence could get nowhere in North America. I knew of the slaughter in Guatemala, so it’s hard to swallow the idea that the US government did not. The Reagan administration came in denouncing the Carter human rights focus and began to aggressively stir up war in the region. It armed and trained ex-soldiers of the Nicaraguan tyrant Anastasio Somoza’s dreaded guardia in what became known as the Contra War. Reagan’s highly publicized labeling of the Contras as “freedom fighters” aside, it was basically a terrorist war of hit and run attacks on pro-Sandinista villages and enterprises, with the Contras being directed out of neighboring Honduras by US Ambassador John Negroponte.

The US sent advisers to El Salvador, and as the death squad bodies piled up, the Reagan administration certified every six months that improvements were being made.

Having spent time in Central America then and having met so many wonderful people trying to free themselves of the yoke of oppression, the only downside to the conviction of Rios Montt for genocidal murder is that Ronald Reagan can’t be given a similar trial and packed away to some super-max in the desert. Sure, I carry some bitterness from those years. They were extremely frustrating times for anyone with any compassion for the poor in Central America.

I recall trying to explain to my Reagan-loving father what it was like to listen to a Salvadoran woman tell about finding her 23-year-old daughter in a body dump tortured and skinned. I’ll never forget the sadness and horror in her eyes as she willed herself to share her horrific tale so we visiting gringos might pass it North.

When I told my dad of this stuff, he would grimace at his rebellious middle son — not because of the story or the woman’s suffering, but as if he were echoing Ronald Reagan: “There you go again!” The more horrible the story, the more I was dismissed as a dupe of left wing communists. It was impossible to get through the point that we were supporting and condoning monstrous behavior. Suffering that was connected to our policies simply did not register. I recall a workmate who suggested one day at lunch that because of my traveling in Central America I knew less than she did from watching television.

It really began to sink in that the most powerful nation in the world was nursing a deep mythic assumption that Americans and America were exceptional; somehow we were being victimized by these little countries in Central America. The peasants being consumed by incredible violence deserved whatever they got for what they had done to us.

A shrink might point out that we North Americans had done our own versions of scorched earth in bombing campaigns in Vietnam and Laos. We did this because the Vietnamese refused our demands that they capitulate and give up the idea of independence. They would not budge, so we had to bomb them. They were trying to humiliate us in the world’s eyes, and we had to stand up to them.

How long can we delude ourselves with the Myth of Exceptionalism? How many more massacres and bombing atrocities do we have to refuse to see before the scales fall from the eyes of a critical mass of Americans? How much more bullshit do we have to take?

.

The photos, here, show three Mayans who testified to atrocities in the Rios Montt trial. They are, from left to right, Juana Sanchez Toma; Benjamin Jeronimo, president and legal representative of the Association for Justice and Reconciliation that advocated for the trial; and Elena de Paz Santiago, who told of being beaten and gang-raped repeatedly by soldiers. Jeronimo told the blog democraticunderground.com [6] that young Guatemalans “have to know what a dirty war is, a war in which people were taken advantage of, who had no way of defending themselves, and were not guilty of what they were being accused.”

“We showed them we are not communists,” Antonio Caba told The New York Times [1] as he wiped away tears. “We are simply villagers.”

The conviction and sentencing of Efrain Rios Montt to an effective life prison term is an important milestone. Something has been broken and overcome in Guatemala. While the Guatemalan right is certainly not without resources, the poor have clearly gained a degree of power in a very dark system.

Ricardo Falla, a Jesuit priest in Guatemala, wrote a powerful book called Massacres In the Jungle: Ixcan, Guatemala, 1975-1982 documenting all the horrors revealed in the Rios Montt trial. He writes, “Seeds of new life have emerged from the massacres.” He metaphorically refers to the horrors as “fertilizer that makes the earth fruitful, blossoming with something new.” A strong bond has been formed out of horror. “Weeping is accompanied by another sign of life: the feeling of brotherhood, which overrides family, language, and ethnic and religious barriers — their shared bond as people who have lost everything.”

As a nation and a people, we don’t know anything about victimhood, and it’s past time we moved beyond that delusion.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

John Grant is a writer/photographer/filmmaker living just outside Philadelphia’s city limits. He has worked as a newspaper reporter and has published both fiction and non-fiction. Starting in the 1980s, he traveled to Central America and other places as a documentary photographer for publication and for exhibits of his own large prints. He shot and edited an 80-minute documentary film called “Second Time Around” about a seriously wounded Vietnam veteran who chose to live and work in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, 35 years after his first tour there. John has been to Iraq twice during the war, once as an observer critical of the war and once as a cameraman on a documentary film.

John Grant
John Grant

A Vietnam War veteran for 25 years, John has been an active member of Veterans For Peace. For 11 years, he was president of the Philadelphia VFP chapter. He has taught documentary photography at Widener and Drexel Universities and for nine years has taught creative writing to inmates in the Philadelphia Prison.

 

Source URL: http://www.thiscantbehappening.net/node/1747

Links:
[1] http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/11/world/americas/gen-efrain-rios-montt-of-guatemala-guilty-of-genocide.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0
[2] http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/91666/linked-arms
[3] http://inthesetimes.com/article/3498/
[4] http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Brothers-at-odds-Ex-dictator-Guatemalan-bishop-2883581.php
[5] http://www.counterpunch.org/2005/09/17/rev-pat-robertson-and-gen-rios-montt/
[6] http://www.democraticunderground.com/110816444