Nothing More Evil

By david swanson
October 1, 2012

A writer at the Atlantic named Conor Friedersdorf recently noted the level of evil many have been brought to support:

“Tell certain liberals and progressives that you can’t bring yourself to vote for a candidate who opposes gay rights, or who doesn’t believe in Darwinian evolution, and they’ll nod along. Say that you’d never vote for a politician caught using the ‘n’-word, even if you agreed with him on more policy issues than his opponent, and the vast majority of left-leaning Americans would understand. But these same people cannot conceive of how anyone can discern Mitt Romney’s flaws, which I’ve chronicled in the course of the campaign, and still not vote for Obama. Don’t they see that Obama’s transgressions are worse than any I’ve mentioned? I don’t see how anyone who confronts Obama’s record with clear eyes can enthusiastically support him. I do understand how they might have concluded that he is the lesser of two evils, and back him reluctantly, but I’d have thought more people on the left would regard a sustained assault on civil liberties and the ongoing, needless killing of innocent kids as deal-breakers.”

 

Not long ago, I attended a speech by Obama, along with thousands of his adoring cheerleaders formerly known as citizens. I asked him to stop killing people in Afghanistan, and the Secret Service asked me to leave.

But, just now, I got a phone call from the local Obama office. They had my name because I’d picked up a ticket to attend the speech. The young woman wanted to know if I would come help phone other people. I asked if she was familiar with the president’s kill list and his policy of killing men, women, and children with drones. She said she knew nothing about that but “respected my opinion.” She hung up. Objecting to presidential murder is now an opinion, and willingness to be aware of its existence is an appendage to the opinion. If you don’t object to presidential murder by Democrat, then you simply arrange not to know about it. Thus, in your opinion, it doesn’t exist.

Some of my friends at this moment are in Pakistan apologizing to its government and its people for the endless murderous drone war fought there by our country. They’re meeting with victims’ families. They’re speaking publicly in opposition to the crimes of our government. And my neighbors, living in some other universe, believe most fundamentally, not that one candidate will save us, not that the two parties are fundamentally opposed, not that a citizen’s job is to vote, not that war is all right if it’s meant well — although they clearly believe all of those things — but, most fundamentally, they believe that unpleasant facts should simply be avoided. So, in a spirit of afflicting the comfortable to comfort the afflicted, here are a few from recent days:

WAR IS A LIE

We know that in the past “defensive” wars have been intentionally launched by fraud or provocation. We know that many in our government want a war with Iran. We know that several years ago then-Vice President Dick Cheney proposed disguising U.S. ships as Iranian and attacking other U.S. ships with them. We know that then-President George W. Bush proposed disguising a plane as belonging to the United Nations, flying it low, and trying to get Iraq to shoot at it. We know that there was no Gulf of Tonkin incident, no evidence that Spain attacked the Maine, no doubt that the weapons and troops on board the Lusitania were public knowledge, no question that FDR worked hard to provoke an attack by Japan, and so on. And we know that Iran has not attacked another nation in centuries. So, it almost goes without saying that Washington warmongers are contemplating ways to get Iran to make the “first move.” Assassinating scientists hasn’t worked, blowing up buildings doesn’t seem to do it, cyber-war isn’t blossoming into real war, sanctions are not sanctioning armed resistance, and dubious accusations of Iranian terrorism aren’t sticking. Exactly what do we have to do to get ourselves innocently attacked by the forces of evil?

The Israel Lobby to the rescue! Patrick Clawson, Director of Research at the Washington Institute Of Near East Policy, blurted out the following on video this week:

“Crisis initiation is really tough. And it’s very hard for me to see how the United States president can get us to war with Iran. . . . The traditional way America gets to war is what would be best for U.S. interests. Some people might think that Mr. Roosevelt wanted to get us into World War II . . . . You may recall, we had to wait for Pearl Harbor. Some people might think Mr. Wilson wanted to get us into World War I. You may recall that he had to wait for the Lusitania episode. Some people might think that Mr. Johnson wanted to send troops to Vietnam. You may recall he had to wait for the Gulf of Tonkin episode. We didn’t go to war with Spain until the Maine exploded. And Mr. Lincoln did not feel he could call out the federal army until Fort Sumter was attacked, which is why he ordered the commander at Fort Sumter to do exactly that thing which the South Carolinians had said would cause an attack. So, if in fact the Iranians aren’t going to compromise, it would be best if somebody else started the war. . . . I mentioned that explosion on August 17th. We could step up the pressure. I mean, look people, Iranian submarines periodically go down. Someday one of them might not come up. Who would know why? [LAUGHTER FROM AUDIENCE] . . . . We are in the game of using covert means against the Iranians. We could get nastier.”

This is serious advocacy for manufacturing a “defensive” and “humanitarian” war. This is not a war critic or a Yes Men prankster. The position of most elected officials in Washington, including the President, fits well with this. That position includes the ultimatum that Iran must cease doing what U.S. National Intelligence Estimates say it is not doing, namely building nuclear weapons. The goal at the bottom of all of this is war. The purpose of the war is not related to any of the excuses for it. The purpose is something else entirely. But it’s ugly, so it’s easier not to look.

HUMAN EXPERIMENTATION

We often forget that war is the worst thing there is. Hence our government’s shift in policy back to outsourcing a lot of the torture and insourcing the “cleaner” approach of assassination without torture. Hence, also, our common fantasy that war can be used to solve a problem that is somehow worse than war.

We also forget that torturing people can be crueler than experimenting on them. Torture has been given an acceptance in the United States during the past decade that “human experimentation” has not. So, we are still capable of a bit of shock when a story comes out like this one: During the 1950s and 1960s the U.S. Army sprayed zinc cadmium sulfide, apparently including radioactive particles, in poor neighborhoods in St. Louis and other cities, to test the results on the people who unknowingly breathed it.

At the end of World War II, the U.S. military’s Operation Paperclip brought nearly 500 Nazi scientists to the United States to work on U.S. weaponry. Many view their influence on the nascent military industrial complex as critical to its sadistic and sociopathic tendencies ever since. In fairness to the Nazis, it’s possible that they simply fit in well, serving the military of a nation with a long history of genocide, slavery, torture, and public deception.

I came across a member of Veterans For Peace this week who’s been struggling many years as a result of experimental vaccines and drugs given to hundreds of thousands of U.S. soldiers during the Gulf War. We also learned this week that every prisoner in the Guantanamo death camp has been given experimental drugs without their knowledge or at least without their consent.

And then there’s this: “Congressional Probe Reveals Cover-Up of ‘Auschwitz-Like’ Conditions at US-Funded Afghan Hospital”:

“A congressional investigation has revealed a top U.S. general in Afghanistan sought to stall an investigation into abuse at a U.S.-funded hospital in Kabul that kept patients in, quote, ‘Auschwitz-like’ conditions. Army whistleblowers revealed photographs taken in 2010 which show severely neglected, starving patients at Dawood Hospital, considered the crown jewel of the Afghan medical system, where the country’s military personnel are treated. The photos show severely emaciated patients, some suffering from gangrene and maggot-infested wounds. For TV viewers of Democracy Now!, please be warned: these images are extremely graphic and may be disturbing.”

NOTHING MORE EVIL

Here’s what I’m trying to get at. If you try to think of something more evil than what we are now doing, you’ll fail. Name your evil: destroying the earth’s climate? President Barack Obama flew to Copenhagen to single-handedly derail any process for protecting the earth’s atmosphere. The only way in which to fantasize about greater evil is quantitative, not qualitative. We could drop more bombs. We could starve more children. We could experiment on more prisoners. In fact, this is what Lesser Evilism amounts to. A Lesser Evilist today is not choosing less evil policies, but the same policies in what he or she hopes will be lesser amounts.

That might be a rational calculation within a polling place. But living it prior to and after an election, apologizing and cheering for one of two teams, as if self-governance were a spectator sport, is nothing other than complicity in the most hideous forms of cruelty and murder. That complicity is insidious. Evil begins to look like something else, because the Lesser Evilist, within his or her own mind, comes to view the Lesser Evil forces as good, if not glorious, if not saintly.

…………………………

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Ted Koppel’s lousy media criticism

••
Ted Koppel’s Terrible Media Criticism
Posted on 09/25/2012 by Peter Hart, FAIR


TV news veteran Ted Koppel has done two pieces on NBC’s Rock Center that attempt to critique the partisanship of today’s media system. But what the reports really illustrate is that some people aren’t very good at playing media critic–especially when they feel obligated to suggest that “both sides” are equally at fault.

Koppel’s first report (9/13/12) looked at right and left watchdogs, “an industry out there on both sides monitoring and recording anything that could hurt the political opposition.” That “industry” consists of the liberal  Media Matters for America and the right-wing Media Research Center.

As Koppel explains, “You got people sitting there with headsets…waiting for someone to make a misstep.” He goes on to wonder whether the groups on both sides are “feeding the sausage machine.”

But his argument starts to fall apart right away, as he begins to tell the story of Georgetown law student and women’s health advocate Sandra Fluke. Koppel explains that radio host Rush Limbaugh’s famous remarks about Fluke–in which he called Fluke, among other things, a “slut”–seemed to be inspired by a column published by the Media Research Center. (The piece in question ran under the subtle headline “Sex-Crazed Co-Eds Going Broke Buying Birth Control, Student Tells Pelosi Hearing Touting Freebie Mandate.”)

Limbaugh’s comments provoked an outcry, which Koppel explained this way:

Bingo. Limbaugh had committed the kind of gaffe that fuels an entire industry, and he gave the Obama White House a gift that keeps on giving.

Well, maybe. Or he’s a sexist creep who said exactly what he wanted to convey to his audience–which isn’t really a “gaffe” at all.

Koppel explains that a “counter-gaffe” came soon thereafter, when CNN pundit Hilary Rosen said that Mitt Romney’s wife Ann “has actually never worked a day in her life.”

“I mean, this is a two-sided fistfight,” anchor Brian Williams explained as the segment closed. But it’s hard to see how the two sides can be equated. One side published a nasty hit piece on an individual, which was echoed by the most powerful radio talk show host in the country. Apparently the offense on the liberal side was noticing Limbaugh’s sexist drivel. The other example consisted of a dopey comment from a relatively obscure TV liberal mostly known for doing corporate PR.

The second installment (9/20/12) was no better, as Koppel attempted to explain how the media make all of this even worse by giving a platform to combatants on both sides.

Williams set up the show with the expected riff on how both sides do it. The secret tape of Mitt Romney at a fundraiser talking about the “47 percent” was the first strike, but then came “the counterattack from the right–the tape of Barack Obama from 14 years ago saying he believes in redistribution.” Actually, the Obama tape was deceptively edited; the rest of that passage includes Obama talking about how to “decentralize delivery systems” in order to “foster competition” and “work in the marketplace.”

Koppel starts his argument by suggesting the media have gone from the likes of Walter Cronkite to the Fox News Channel’s shouting conservative Bill O’Reilly (ignoring  the flourishing of far-right broadcasters well before O’Reilly). Actually, Koppel argues that “the bar for civility on cable television and talk radio has fallen so low that by comparison, O’Reilly seems almost reasonable.”

Indeed, if the show was meant to be ironic, then it succeeded; much of it was Koppel allowing O’Reilly to hold forth on incivility and the coarsening of the political dialogue. O’Reilly, true to his character, turns the discussion  back into a complaint about the forces arrayed against him: “I have been vilified to the extent that I have to have bodyguards almost everywhere I go.”

The Koppel segment wanted badly to show that “both sides” are contributing to this destructive cycle: “The partisan ranting is more widespread than ever,” he says. But for a supposedly two-sided problem, it seemed like they had trouble finding the left-leaning equivalent to far-right talk show hosts like Michael Savage and Mark Levin, save for a few fleeting clips from MSNBC.

The segment closed with a discussion that perfectly illustrated the problem with Koppel’s approach: Far-right shock pundit Ann Coulter posing as a media critic, alongside comedian Bill Maher–presumably a stand-in for the left. (“Smart, stubborn, and ideological opposites,” Koppel explained.)

Even though the pairing doesn’t make a whole lot of sense, Maher wound up making the most coherent observation by challenging one of Koppel’s statements:

 KOPPEL: The bifurcation is really extreme. I mean, the left is further left and the right is further right.

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US elections conceal preparations for war with Iran

•••••

By Barry Grey, wsws.org

The magnitude and monstrous consequences of a war on Iran would dwarf our interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan combined.

Within American ruling circles, it is well known that plans for war against Iran are far advanced, but there is a conspiracy of silence by both political parties and the media to keep this reality out of the presidential election. The intent is to drag the American people into yet another bloody war in the Middle East on the basis of false pretexts and lies, despite broad popular opposition to an attack on Iran.

Nothing reveals the anti-democratic and fraudulent character of the elections more clearly than the refusal to explain to the American people the military carnage that is being prepared in their name and allow them to express their democratic will.

Over the past week, a number of commentaries in the American and European press have warned of an attack by either Israel or the US, or both, against Iran in the near future, and a bipartisan group of former foreign policy officials, retired generals and former legislators has issued a report outlining the potentially catastrophic consequences of an unprovoked attack on the Persian Gulf country.

Some of the recent articles have the character of a pre-emptive political strike by ruling class figures wary of a war against Iran, while others suggest that such a war is necessary and inevitable. The confluence of such commentaries is itself an indication that detailed planning for war is underway.

At the United Nations on Tuesday, President Obama reiterated that the US will “do what we must” to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney is pressing for greater US security guarantees to Israel, whose prime minister, Benyamin Netanyahu, has criticized Obama for not moving quickly enough to launch military action.

But beyond such general threats, the reality of advanced plans for war is being concealed.

The National Journal on Monday posted an article entitled “The Path to War with Iran.” The article, prompted by a conference held last Friday by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy on the subject of US-Israeli coordination against Iran, began by noting the significance of Obama’s speech last March before the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. “Obama announced a new policy that put the United States and Iran on a collision course from which neither has veered,” the author wrote.

“Iran’s leaders should understand that I do not have a policy of containment,” Obama declared at the time. “I have a policy to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon… I will not hesitate to use force when it is necessary to defend the United States and its interests.”

Commenting on the implications of Obama rejecting a policy of “containing” a nuclear Iran, the author wrote: “Either Tehran would have to abandon its suspected nuclear weapons program, or the president was all but pledging a preventive war to destroy it.”

He then noted that Washington has deployed the largest US naval armada to the Persian Gulf in years and that the US Senate last Friday passed a bipartisan resolution, cosponsored by more than three-fourths of the chamber, ruling out a strategy of containment in regard to Iran.

The article quoted David Makovsky, an Israel “expert” and senior fellow at the Washington Institute, saying that the next administration, whether headed by Obama or Romney, will be under “intense pressure” to launch a military attack on the oil-rich country. Patrick Clawson, an Iran “expert” and director of research at the Washington Institute, said that, “[R]ight now we are headed towards war.”

The German daily Süddeutsche Zeitung published an article on Monday headlined “Dangerous War Rhetoric” that began: “When everyone is talking of war, a spark is sufficient to ignite one.”

The article compared the current situation in the Middle East to the eve of World War I, warning, “From a European perspective, things seem much like Europe in 1914.” It went to say that war could be set off by “an unplanned incident between US and Iranian ships in the Persian Gulf, a miscalculation of the Israeli or of the Iranian military, or a significant terrorist attack.”

Albert Hunt, Washington editor at Bloomberg News, published an article in Newsday, also last Monday, headlined “Americans Deserve a Pre-Emptive Debate on Attacking Iran.” He began: “The last two presidents have misled voters on the cost of armed conflicts. Amid another election, the drumbeats of war are sounding again. This time the subject is Iran. To paraphrase Ronald Reagan: Here we go again.”

Some of the disastrous consequences such a war could have were spelled out in a report released last week by the Iran Project, a bipartisan panel of former leading US diplomats, military officers and congressmen.

They wrote, “Even in order to fulfill the stated objective of ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear bomb, the US would need to conduct a substantially expanded air and sea war over a prolonged period of time, likely several years. If the US decided to seek a more ambitious objective, such as regime change in Iran or undermining Iran’s influence in the region, then an even greater commitment of force would be required to occupy all or part of the country. Given Iran’s large size and population, and the strength of Iranian nationalism, we estimated that the occupation of Iran would require a commitment of resources and personnel greater than what the US has expended over the past 10 years in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars combined.”

The report pointed to risks of “all-out regional war” in the Middle East, of unidentified allies of Iran (such as Russia or China) acting to help Iran repel US attacks, and of a global economic collapse.

There is also the possibility that the US or Israel might employ nuclear weapons. During the 2008 Democratic primary campaign, Hillary Clinton threatened to “obliterate” Iran.

The American ruling class has a long history of organizing wars of aggression behind the backs of the American people. President Lyndon Johnson ran for election in 1964 pledging to avoid a major war in Vietnam, even as he was planning to escalate the US intervention. He notoriously told the military brass, “Just let me get elected, and then you can have your war.”

In the 2000 presidential election, plans for an attack on Iraq were concealed by both Bush and Gore. In the 2002 mid-term election, the Democrats made a calculated decision, despite broad popular opposition to Bush’s war plans, not to discuss the advanced preparations for an invasion.

In 2008, Obama postured as an anti-war candidate, and proceeded once in office to continue the war in Iraq, expand the carnage in Afghanistan and extend US military aggression and subversion to Pakistan, Libya and Syria.

Whatever pledges of military action Obama and Romney may have given Netanyahu, they are for criminal acts of aggression carried out with contempt for US and Israeli public opinion. A recent poll by the Chicago Council for Global Affairs found 70 percent opposition in America to a US strike on Iran. Another poll found only 32 percent support in Israel for an Israeli strike.

This is a damning indictment of American capitalism and of the American political system. Even after hundreds of thousands of lives were lost and trillions of dollars squandered in unpopular wars for US control of the oil-rich Middle East, US imperialism is pressing ahead with plans for a new, even deadlier war.

The American people must be warned: A vast crime is being prepared behind your backs and in your name! Unless the war criminals in the White House, the Pentagon and the CIA are disarmed and held to account, ever-more bloody regional wars will coalesce into another global conflagration.

The working class is the social force that can prevent this, but only if it breaks free of the Democratic Party and the two-party system and takes the path of mass political struggle for the overthrow of the capitalism, the root cause of war, and the establishment of socialism.

Barry Grey is a senior political analyst with wsws.org, a socialist information resource of the Socialist Equality Party.

Copyright © 1998-2012 World Socialist Web Site – All rights reserved

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Obama in New York

•••

By Stephen Lendman

Obama at UNO: dripping hypocrisy, but how many Americans can see through his act?

On September 25, Obama addressed the UN General Assembly. Duplicity, imperial arrogance, and belligerent were conspicuous. He began discussing US ambassador Christopher Stevens. On September 11, he was killed in Benghazi, Libya. Obama inverted truth like he always does.

He claimed he went there last year to help Libyans “cope with violent conflict, care for the wounded, and craft a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected.”

“And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.”

Fact check

Stevens was an imperial front man. He urged violent intervention. He supported NATO’s killing machine throughout months of slaughter. He participated in Libya’s destruction. He helped turn Africa’s most developed country into a charnel house. Tens of thousands were murdered. Multiples more were injured. Many more were displaced.

Mostly civilians were harmed. NATO attacks willfully targeted them. At issue was replacing another independent government with a puppet one.

Casualties inflicted doing it aren’t counted. Obama claimed Stevens “was killed in the city he helped to save.” He bears responsibility for destroying it and much of Libya. He helped install its puppet government. Obama continued extolling a war criminal. It takes one to know one. He blamed terrorists and Al Qaeda for killing him. Again he lied like he always does.  Mark Robertson and Finian Cunningham explained what Obama suppressed. Their Global Research article discussed Libya’s Green Resistance. They’re committed Jamahiriya loyalists. They’re freedom fighters. They want imperial occupiers driven out.

Stevens “used a Tripoli hotel as his base, since the Green Resistance had burned down the US embassy in the capital, Tripoli.”

He moved to Benghazi. He thought he’d be safer there. He thought wrong. Green Resistance fighters targeted him. On September 11, he was killed. The date was likely coincidental.

Obama tried distancing himself from the anti-Muslim hate film. It sparked violence in 30 or more countries. Israel’s fingerprints are all over it. It also reflected virulent US anti-Islamic sentiment.  Since taking office, Obama waged war on Islam. Bush did before him. Ravaging one country after another is policy. Millions died. Millions more suffer horrendously. Human misery never is taken into account. Grief isn’t in America’s vocabulary.

Obama outrageously claimed America “has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad. (It’s) the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism.”

Washington deplores democracy. It won’t tolerate it at home or abroad. No nation in world history committed more violent extremism than America. Countless millions of corpses attest to its record. Viciousness defines its agenda. It long predated Obama’s term in office.

It’s unparalleled and unconscionable. Obama continues America’s sordid tradition. He urged remembering that “Muslims have suffered  the most at the hands of extremism.” He omitted explaining who bears most responsibility. America’s culture is violent. Its roots are longstanding. It’s reflected worldwide and at home. Among all Western nations, it has by far the highest homicide rate. It has a passion for owning guns and using them.

Violent films are some of its most popular. Similar video games crowd out simpler, more innocent street play of earlier generations. Its society isn’t called a rape culture for nothing. Women experience extreme violence. Usually it’s committed by a husband, another relative, or someone they know.

Major media largely suppress it. Child and elder abuse are largely ignored. Imperial wars are called liberating ones. Peace, tranquility and safety are illusions. Foreign wars, homeland repression, and domestic violence crowd them out. It begs the question: What kind of country glorifies mass killing, assaults and abuse? Why is pacifism considered sissy and unpatriotic?

What gives America the right to claim exceptionalism and moral superiority? How can it call itself indispensable? No nation anywhere matches its deplorable record.

Obama had the audacity to claim otherwise in New York. Imperial arrogance was on display. He railed unjustifiably against Iran. He barely stopped short of declaring war. Doing so would constitute naked aggression. Iran threatens no one. Its nuclear program is peaceful. World leaders know. US and Israeli intelligence know it. No matter. America threatens war. Perhaps it’s planned sometime post-November elections.

Obama or Romney make no difference. Both represent two sides of the same coin. They’re venal imperial scoundrels. In New York, Obama was blunt, saying:

International law is clear. No nation may interfere in the internal affairs of others. None can dictate policy or wage preemptive war. America asserts the right for both unilaterally. Doing so reveals an out-of-control menace.

Israel matches its threat regionally. On September 23, Mossad-connected DEBKA file (DF) headlined “Hamas signs binding military commitment to Iran-led war on Israel,” saying:

Hamas co-founder and member of its leadership Mahoud al-Sahar, as well as Iranian deputy military commander Marwan Issa met earlier in September in Beirut.

DF claims they and Hezbollah agreed to wage war on Israel. Saying so inverts truth. They’re committed to defending themselves if attacked and providing aid.

DF also claims 22,000 elite Iranian al Qods Bridades fighters built up positions in Syria and Lebanon on Israel’s borders. No evidence whatever proves it.

DF suggests Hamas is “under contract to defer to Tehran” militarily. Moreover, Iran, Hezbollah, Syria and Hamas allegedly agreed to cooperate against Israel.

“In a potential outbreak of war,” Iran’s military command will be in charge.

No country threatens Israel. None plan war. Saying so inverts truth. Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) research director Patrick Clawson openly urges provoking Iran into attacking Israel.

WINEP is a right wing pro-Israeli front group. It wants Washington to create a false flag [event] extreme enough to spark an Iranian military response.

Speaking at a policy forum on “How to Build US-Israeli Coordination on Preventing an Iranian Nuclear Breakout,” he discussed earlier provocations that worked.

It’s (v)ery hard for me to see how the United States president can get us to war with Iran,” he said. Traditional ways would be best.

His terminology was code language for urging replicating earlier successful US false flags. None stand out more than 9/11. “We can do a variety of things to increase pressure,” he said.

Sanctions are one of many options, he added. So are covert methods.

“(W)e could get nastier about it,” he stressed. “So, if in fact the Iranians aren’t going to compromise, it would be best if somebody else started the war.”

By that, he means America. He’s mindless about potential catastrophic consequences. Numerous past articles discussed it. No sane leader would chance it. No legitimate analyst would urge it. No military commander worth his salt would risk it. Odds favor it happening anyway. Belligerent Zionists make it more likely. Netanyahu may be worst of all.

On September 25, Haaretz headlined “The Israeli prime minister is unfit to serve,” saying:

Three decades ago, Menachem Begin was unfit. For weeks, it was acknowledged but kept hidden. Netanyahu exceeds his worst extremism.

“Many government ministers know this to be true.” He’s pressuring Washington to launch a war of choice. Israeli military commanders deplore his “messianic madness.”

He’s brazen, undisciplined, and defiant. He’s got a knack for turning allies into enemies. He’s interfering in America’s election. He favors Romney over Obama and shows it. He’s looking a gift horse in the mouth.

He’s compromising a longstanding alliance. He opposes most Israeli officials and commanders. In 1983, Begin said “I cannot go on” and resigned. He fell on his sword. Netanyahu is too arrogant to replicate him.

“On the contrary. The more he realizes the distance between the picture in his head and reality….the more likely he is to step up his inflammatory rhetoric and rash actions to the point of jeopardizing Israel’s very existence.”

He wasn’t elected by popular vote. Likud finished second. The Knesset approved a governing coalition. It’s obligated to replace an unfit prime minister. It’s urgent, given his rage to wage war when cooler heads around him deplore it for good reason.

War on Iran would be “an existential blunder.” It’s much more than that. Israel’s existence would be threatened. Its cities, military and nuclear facilities would be bombed for the first time. Casualties would be enormous. So would world enmity.

What kind of leader discounts madness and urges do what I say anyway? Cabinet members must replace him before it’s too late. Ordinary Israeli must speak out.

War isn’t a left, right or religious issue. International law aside, avoiding it must be prioritized. Failure will fall on the heads of “all those who fail to rise above themselves and take action.”

It’s their responsibility. It’s urgent they prevent a potential regional holocaust. Failure may not get a second chance.

Visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour

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Culture of Concessions Has Gutted Organized Labour [Annotated]

•••

Preface by Patrice Greanville

San Gindin has filed a thoughtful and timely piece on the question of concessions by the working class. Given the importance of this topic, I think a few words are required to place it in better perspective. Concessions have cumulatively devastated labor over decades of constant assault by the American ruling class and its political minions, with plenty of help from the corporate media and the courts, in other words, the bourgeois state, which in a corporate-dominated society —it bears repeating—functions  primarily as the main instrument to guarantee the rule of the super-rich and their gross advantage.

This decline has been accentuated by the betrayal of the labor cause by union leaders themselves ——not all by any means— but by a significant number who preferred the “business unionism” model to actual class struggle. The abject, frothing-at-the-mouth jingoist anti-communist  George Meany easily springs to mind, but there have been others, perhaps not as notorious as Meany, like Samuel Gompers, equally nefarious for the workers’ cause. Still, concessions and all they imply is only part of the picture.  Concessions, however important they may seem in the heat of the moment, fall into the narrow trench of history, and they look backward, too.  There’s a broader, always not quite accidentally forgotten framework for the discussions and struggles between labor and its class foe, the capitalists, a discussion that easily transcends the short-termer’s agenda revolving around jobs, jobs and only jobs. Fact is, jobs have become a sacred cow, an inviolable talisman to beat back an escalation of the discussion for those who profess to speak for labor, and the upshot is that such witting or unwitting myopia has ended up trumping the class struggle, since it confines the tug of war between the two antagonist classes only to the natural boundary of all trade unionist efforts, the immediate amelioration of the status quo.  While this task is important it should never be allowed to co-opt the overarching task of the working class which is to come to power and eliminate class divisions once and for all.  Reformism, no matter how highfalutin and pretentious in terms of “realism” can never birth a true revolution. Bourgeois reformism is a historically proven cul-de-sac.

Irish activist James Fearon, affiliated with socialistdemocracy.org, has zeroed in on precisely this aspect of the struggle. His study of Lenin yields immensely valuable insights:

The attempts in Ireland to establish a trade union activist network and in Britain the determined campaigning of the Grass Roots Left, suggests that rank and file trade unionists are on the move.  These developments involve a great deal of confusion in the working class and a corresponding confusion on the part of socialists. Should we unite with the trade union bureaucracy and use the reformist ideas about a “better fairer way” to gain a hearing in a wider swathe of the union movement or should we put forward a working class programme even if it is not widely accepted.? If we are to face and defeat entrenched bureaucracies we require a clear view of the political landscape within which their corruption exists. With democratic governments being replaced by technocratic juntas in Europe and a nationalist response to the Euro crisis growing, the problems facing workers  cannot be reduced to trade union issues. An approach that neglects political tasks will fail to enthuse the most political workers and leave others vulnerable to the misconception that vigorous trade unionism will automatically advance the socialist revolution. With this in mind it is perhaps appropriate to revisit Lenin, who spoke very clearly on spontaneity and trade union consciousness.

Lenin argued that any intervention by revolutionary socialists into labour ‘politics’, while relating to trade union consciousness, must transcend it. No doubt within the confines of spontaneity a degree of conscious advance can be gained and Lenin’s memorable line that “there is a difference  between  spontaneity and spontaneity” points to a degree of development, but not one that equates to a revolutionary consciousness. Lenin forcefully argued that socialist consciousness could only be brought to the struggle by drawing on Marxism and the understanding gained from history and especially the long history of struggle by the working class. It is for this reason that socialists intervening in labour struggles must not limit themselves to simply “trade union issues”. A danger exists in that immersion in the “too narrow” field of trade union work can cause revolutionaries to lose sight of themselves as political agitators. Lenin’s criticism of “economism” emphasized the fact that this work “taken by itself, is not in essence Social-Democratic (revolutionary) work, but merely trade union work.” Whereas, trade union work should serve as “a beginning and constituent part” of socialists’ work, losing sight of their revolutionary political tasks means they abrogate their political responsibility to represent the working class in relation “to the state as an organised political force.” Failing to raise acute political demands means failing to confront all aspects of class oppression and Lenin consistently  argued  that, “We must actively take up the political education of the working class and the development of its political consciousness.”

Yes, as Fearon indicates, to confine the whole global struggle against capital to mere concessions of one kind or another, to temporary relief from the tightening garrote,  is to choose vassalage and eventually death.  Trade unionism looks backward because in the first place it is non-Marxian, and by that I mean it chooses to remain ignorant about history’s forces, chiefly the class struggle, and secondly because, in Luddite fashion, it refuses to recognize that technology, being only applied science (and the desire of human knowledge irrepressible), is here to stay.  Thus anyone sensible can bet that technology in the form of ever more refined automation will go on eliminating jobs because all modern technology is designed with maximum efficiency as its main selling point. This will happen no matter how loudly anyone protests. So the real issue is not how to preserve a static pool of jobs or stop science; the pool is liable to shrink regardless of what we do. The real issue is how to preserve and expand incomes, while working less, not more, both of which are made possible by higher productivity.  Productivity is a friend of humanity, not its enemy. Problem is, as any Marxian knows, under the capitalist system social relations, due to the cockamammy way in which the national income is distributed, almost the entirety of this gain is appropriated by the ruling 0.001%.  This means that while a puny minority grabs an ever larger share of the social pie, the losing side is presented with more unemployment and more underemployment, in effect a denial of access to such gains. With such political rules in effect the richest percentile’s income continues to rise while those of the middle class remain flat or  decline, and those of the poor plummet.  Does this picture sound familiar?

In reality, the fact is that in an egalitarian, worker-dominated nation (read real socialism), the question of jobs, which after all are only a mechanism to share in the national pie, with the salaries and wages being simply claims on the mountain of goods and services turned out by the entire productive apparatus of society, of which they are the critical component—would take a back seat to the more important question: how is humanity to distribute the increasing amount of goods made possible by nonstop improvements in technology and productivity? A former colleague, Dr. Susan Rosenthal, summed up the dilemma thusly:

By 2000, U.S. workers took half the time to produce all the goods and services they produced in 1973. If the benefits of this rise in productivity had been shared, most Americans could be enjoying a four-hour work day, or a six-month work year, or they could be taking off every other year from work with no loss of pay. (See, Globalization: Theirs or Ours?)

She didn’t need to mention that under such conditions unemployment in all its forms would quickly become history, and the road would open—at last—to envisage the true potential of humanity.

Wrap your minds about that little fact for a while.—Patrice Greanville

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Concessions Have Gutted Organized Labour

Sam Gindin

At the end of the 1970s, just before the era of concessions began, the U.S. section of the United Auto Workers included some 700,000 members at the Big Three (GM, Ford and Chrysler). In each subsequent round of bargaining, the union accepted concessions in exchange for the promise of ‘job security.’ Today, after three decades of this charade – sold by the union as well as the companies – there are 110,000 UAW members left at these companies, a stunning loss of almost 85 per cent of the jobs.

The Canadian section of the union resisted this direction for a time. In fact, it was tensions over the response to concessionary demands that led in 1985 to the Canadians breaking away from their parent and establishing the Canadian Auto Workers. As it turned out, the new union did somewhat better in terms of jobs for a significant period, but today their numbers too are dramatically down: from some 70,000 at the end of the 1970s to under 21,000 today, a fall of some two-thirds.

Since the early 1980s, real productivity in the Canada-U.S. auto industry (i.e. after discounting for inflation) has more than doubled. Real wages, on the other hand, have actually fallen in the U.S. and only increased moderately in Canada.

Worse for New Hires

For new workers, the change is even more shocking. An American autoworker hired at the Big Three today will be working at a lower inflation-adjusted wage than he or she would have gotten a half-century ago. In Canada, the real starting rate will now be 12 per cent below where it was when the Canadians split from the Americans a generation ago. And whereas new workers could expect to reach the top rate in 18 months then, they will now have to wait 10 years.

There are four crucial lessons to be taken from all this.

First, it is simply not credible to argue that concessions are a strategy for autoworkers ‘ultimately’ achieving a better life. Concessions not only increase inequality and dampen demand, leaving corporations reluctant to invest, but also are a diversion from addressing what really needs to be done to create jobs.

Second, the great productive potential of this sector cannot be met if we restrict that potential to making cars. With productivity improvements in the auto industry of 3 per cent per year when long-term demand is growing at less than 2 per cent per year, jobs will inevitably shrink over time – and this is aside from whether we really want or can sustain more cars on the road.

Rather than watching the disappearance of the productive assets we have in this sector, we should be talking about how to convert its flexible tools and equipment, creative engineering capacity and proven worker skills into meeting the obvious needs that environmental pressures will imply through the rest of the century.

Such transformations will have to include not just our energy and transportation systems, but also our factories and offices, the nature of our homes and appliances. This cannot happen, as experience shows, through reliance on markets and unilateral corporate decisions; a sustainable future demands placing some notion of democratic planning back on the agenda. (The technical feasibility of such changes was demonstrated as long ago as World War II when industries were converted to war production and back again in remarkably short periods.)

Renewed Labour Movement?

Third, it is hard to imagine a significant move in this direction without a push from a renewed labour movement. Unions themselves need to radically rethink their structures and role as representatives of working people. It isn’t enough to lament corporate and government attacks or to look to better PR or technical fixes. Two-tier wages for the same work, for example, alienate the very young workers on whom unions depend for their revival, and that lack of solidarity within the workplace destroys credibility in promises of broader solidarities beyond the workplace.

Unions will have to demonstrate in practice that they are leaders in the fight for needed social services, that they have ideas for job creation, and that they are ready to put their organizational resources into winning such directions. The right has radically and aggressively championed an agenda that has brought greater inequality and greater insecurity for working people. Only an equally radical and determined response can reverse this course.

Finally and more generally, we must come to grips with the fact that private investment is not going to lead us out of the immediate economic crisis. Though productivity has grown and costs have been restrained, the resultant hordes of cash – as has been much noted – are only sloshing around in corporate treasuries or in the financial ether. Neither further cuts in interest rates nor tax cuts will change this reality. Only direct government intervention in massive infrastructural spending and the expansion of needed public services will create jobs – and induce the private sector, in spite of itself, to meet the consequent spending. •

Sam Gindin is retired from the CAW, where he served as assistant to the president. He is the co-author with Leo Panitch of the recently released The Making of Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of the American Empire (Verso, 2012). This article first appeared in the Toronto Star.

two quotes…
“What if I told you” is paraphrased from the Matrix movie… it’s not an exact quote, but it sounds like something the Morpheus character would say to Neo.

And the second quote about “class struggle” is by Marx and/or Engels from the Communist Manifesto:
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch01.htm

Hence the image of Marx (as Morpheus) reminding us all about the most important and inescapable fact of our existence in a class-divided society – class struggle.

TWO ORIGINAL COMMENTS

#4 Garry Lawrence 2012-09-27 09:17 EDT
Sam on the Mark(x) about Concessions

#3 Jim Reid 2012-09-27 09:08 EDT
Concessions
To blame concessions alone for job loss in the auto industry is a huge stretch that ignores key factors such as imbalanced trade, foregn competition producing vehicles in North America, hugely restrictive rights to organize, especially in US right to work states and the arrogant, narrow behaviours of D-3 companies that until 10 years ago put out an inferior product. As well the move to automation and outsorcing of everythng from parts production to who cleans the toilets has also been a key driver in the reduction of D-3 auto jobs.

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