The Revolution Examined—Portugal: The Unfinished Revolution

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An armored vehicle practically covered with jubilant people demonstrate the Portuguese masses' support for the army coup against the Salazar dictatorship in April 1974. The military takeover did not involve bloodshed.


Portugal: The Unfinished Revolution
By Rosemary Elizabeth Galli (Posted Jun 26, 2010)

Ronald H. Chilcote.  The Portuguese Revolution: State and Class in the Transition to Democracy.  Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010.  xix + 316 pp.  $79.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7425-6792-4.

The Portuguese Revolution that brought regime change on April 25, 1974, did not bring about a revolution: the popular revolutionary elements that tried to move the events of 1974-75 toward Socialism only challenged the capitalist mode of production.  This is the thrust of Ronald H. Chilcote’s important new work.  Chilcote’s previous work has spanned the Lusophone world, beginning with discussions of Portugal and Portuguese Africa, to publication of documents of the Luso-African national liberation movements and later commentary on Amilcar Cabral to studies of the Brazilian Communist Party and northeastern elites to his best-known works on comparative political economy.  This new work continues an exploration of the themes of authoritarianism and resistance and applies the conceptual apparatus prominent in his later texts.  What Chilcote clearly shows is that historical forces favored dismantling the Portuguese world economy based on African exploitation in order to facilitate Portugal’s integration into the European Community.  Prominent among these forces was the state bureaucracy in alliance with the modernizing, internationally connected segment of Portuguese capital.  Nonetheless, the revolutionary moment of resistance had import and impact far beyond 1974-75 and Portugal.

The fall of Fascism, subsequent nationalizations, the entrance of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) into government, the rise of workers’ commissions, the mobilization of urban and rural protest, and land occupations held the world in thrall, if only for a short time.  In the end, the corporatist bureaucratic state apparatus and its economic partners emerged renewed, chastened, and not unscathed.  Chilcote singles out the durability and continuity of the state apparatus as a major factor in the prevailing hegemonic bloc and blames the fractiousness of the Left for failing to replace it.  Nevertheless, in the final analysis, the attempts to create a counter-hegemonic bloc paved the way for democratic, pluralistic politics in Portugal.

This review focuses on those aspects of Chilcote’s research and analysis that this reviewer considers relevant for scholars of Luso-Africa, leaving others to examine it from different perspectives.  In the introduction to part 1, Chilcote outlines the theoretical concepts that frame his investigation.  He draws primary inspiration from such political thinkers as Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Antonio Gramsci, and Nicos Poulantzas, who have also pondered other historical transitions.  Central to his analysis are such issues as the relationship of state power to class relations, ruling class hegemony, and counter-hegemony posed by revolutionary struggle.  In chapter 1, he traces the emergence of capitalism in Portugal against the backdrop of European history by delineating the major debates among Portuguese historians around the timing, motivations, and principal factors in the transition from feudalism to capitalism.  In later chapters, he repeats this exercise as he assesses the possibilities for a transition from capitalism to Socialism during1974-75 and after.


In the center, Captain Salgueiro Maia, one of the officers who led the revolutionary forces on April 25, 1974. (Photo: Alfredo Cunha)


Throughout part 1, Chilcote focuses on the dominant role of the state across Portuguese history.  He finds a remarkable continuity of authoritarian structures even at the turbulent end of the twentieth century.  Drawing largely on the works of Manuel de Lucena (1967-91), he shows how Salazarian corporatist forms survived the 1974-75 revolution.  Students of Lusophone Africa will be familiar with the durability of the authoritarian model of governance in postindependent Angola, Guinea-Bissau, and Mozambique, described in the case of the latter two countries by this reviewer among other scholars.1  Just as Portugal, in the mid-1970s, Lusophone Africans experienced a kind of Socialism without a solid Socialist movement and still, in the era of liberalization and structural adjustment, their governments retain corporatist features.  For example, a recent compendium documents how, in post-Socialist Mozambique, the FRELIMO (Liberation Front of Mozambique) government maintained its monopoly position through tight control over civil society by limiting political space and, consequently, political participation.  One of the essays reveals how, even after the abandonment of mass organizations, the government still subordinates newly formed youth groups.2

Whatever may be said of the "Carnation Revolution", the Portuguese revolution of 1974 remains an encouraging example of an attempt at serious social change without internecine bloodshed and pathological hatreds. Or maybe the lesson is that real social change cannot be wrought without a great deal of fierce struggle.

Another area of particular interest for Luso-African scholars is Chilcote’s description of the prominent economic groupings linked to Salazar’s New State (1926-74) as many of them dominated colonial economies over nearly five decades.  Some, especially in the banking sector, reappear not only in postrevolution Portugal but also in post-Socialist Lusophone Africa.  Some examples are the Grupo Entreposto, Banco Português do Atlântico, Seguros Mundial-Confiança, Marconi, Grupo Champalimaud, and Grupo Espírito Santo.  Several of the largest groupings represent international as well as national capital.  From Chilcote’s perspective, the corporatist state has provided the order and stability necessary for the rise and development of capitalism and its endurance even in times of “revolution.”

Part 2 is an examination of the failure of the Portuguese Revolution to lead to Socialism and opens an enquiry into the latest political-economic configuration.   Chapter 5 describes the April 25 coup led by the Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA) in 1974, but Chilcote disclaims trying to write a definitive account.  Two MFA officers of my acquaintance attributed the movement’s origins to a clandestine meeting of middle-level officers in the military headquarters in Bissau during the war for national liberation.  Yet Chilcote makes clear that there were a number of meetings among different dissident groups in the military in different places beginning in 1973.  Without a doubt, the battles for independence and the realization that the war in Guinea-Bissau, where most of the fighting took place, was being lost were important factors in the officers’ decision to try to transform Portugal.  The change they sought was made explicit in the MFA’s political program: it “aimed at democracy, decolonization and development” (p. 93).  By 1975, one of these goals was accomplished, decolonization.  The MFA split over the issue of support for radical popular movements ready to go forward toward Socialism.  Chilcote sees the November 25, 1975, countercoup as a reaffirmation of the Portuguese state over the economy and society, including the military.

In the chapters that follow, 6 through 8, Chilcote deepens the analysis by looking in detail at the MFA, the political parties, the popular movements, and their struggle with the older order.  Chapter 8 is particularly interesting as it dissects the class origins of the state apparatus and the various elements of Portuguese capital in battle to maintain power and influence.  The discussion also examines the complex class relations in rural society and the labor movement.  In chapter 9, Chilcote tackles the intriguing question of whether Socialism could have provided the structures and strategies to balance these class relations.  He notes the many forms of Socialism that have been tried historically and concludes that, even during the most revolutionary moments of 1974-75, there was little advance toward a Socialist mode of production.  The “islands of Socialism” favored by the PCP underestimated the strength of capitalist control over markets.  The Left, in general, was too focused on nationalization as the primary road to Socialism.

Chapter 10 looks at the period of parliamentary democracy since November 25, 1975.  It shows the gradual return of moderate and conservative forces that eliminated any vestiges of a Socialist future.  What, then, are the lessons of the Portuguese “revolution”?  In his final chapter, Chilcote draws these lessons, some of which are pertinent to the Socialist experiences of Lusophone Africa.  First of all, a revolution cannot proceed from the top-down unless the leadership is fully committed to popular aspirations.  In the case of Portugal, maneuvering rather than unity among the Communist and Socialist parties led to popular distrust.  Moreover, the parties chose to work through existing state structures rather than to transform them.  Their leadership was unprepared for revolutionary practices and propagated “ideological mystification,” which undermined popular initiative (p. 262).  Finally, the experiments with socialized forms of production within rural and industrial cooperatives, including self-management, led to super-exploitation of producers.  In closing his book, Chilcote gives the last word to Maurice Brinton, as quoted by Charles Reeve (pseudonym Jorge Valadas), on these so-called islands of Socialism: “In Portugal the price paid for the enhanced internal democracy of certain workshops or farms was often a lengthening of the working day, or an intensification of the labour process to ‘allow’ the self-managed unit to remain economically viable.  In this sense islands of self-management became islands of capitalist recuperation” (p. 262).3

In The Portuguese Revolution, Chilcote has presented not only a wealth of information including the debates inside and outside of Portugal on the events of 1974-75 and its impact but also a model of how to analyze the dynamics of revolutionary struggle in the context of an enduring yet changing political economy.


Notes

Peoples’ Spaces and State Spaces: Land and Governance in Mozambique (Lanham and Oxford: Lexington Press, 2003).

2  Luis de Brito, Carlos Castel Branco, Sergio Chichava, and Antonio Francisco, eds., Cidadania e Governação em Moçambique (Maputo: IESE, 2009).  The essay referred to is by Adriano Biza on youth associations and the state in Mozambique.

3  Charles Reeve, L’experience portugaise: la conception putschiste de la revolution sociale(Paris: Spartacus, 1976), 21.


Rosemary Elizabeth Galli.  This article was first published in H-Luso-Africa (June 2010) under a Creative Commons license.
SOURCE (in MRONLINE): https://mronline.org/2010/06/26/portugal-the-unfinished-revolution/


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Cross-Cultural Comparative Politics: Social Science or Cold War Propaganda?

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Prefatory Note
The field of comparative politics took off in the 1950s in Mordor and for many years it never lost its heavy anti-communist tinge. It continues to take for granted the fact that democracy exists (sic) in the United States and compares it favourably to "authoritarian" societies of communism, a convenient Cold War dualism. Its definition of politics. It is lopsidedly insensitive to cross-cultural definitions of politics. Historically, its definition excludes the politics of egalitarian hunter-gatherers and simple horticulturalists who comprised well over 90% of human history. Comparative politics is part of a self-propagandizing triumphalism that includes domestic political science, neoclassical economics and international relations theory. All these fields are ideological smoke screens that keep the West from facing its deep political and economic decline in the face of the rise of the East.


Orientation
What is politics?

Nine Questions for Determining What is Politics
In Part I of my article Seven Theories of Politics I posed ten questions for narrowing down what the range for defining what is politics.


Temporal reach

How far back into human history does politics go? Does politics go back to pre-state societies? Or does politics begin with state societies? Is politics possible before there were political parties?

Cross species scope

Is politics confined to the human species or does it ooze into the life of other species? If so, which ones? If politics crosses species, is it social species that are political? Is it possible to have animal societies which are social such as lions or wolves, but not political? Does a species need to be social to be political? Is being social a necessary but not sufficient condition for politics? Is being social a necessary and sufficient condition for politics? Or is being social neither a necessary nor sufficient condition? In other words, is it possible for a non-social species to have political relationships?

How much does evolutionary biology impact politics
?

At a macro level, how does natural adaptation impact human politics? In terms of men and women, how much does sexual selection determine politics? At the micro level, how much do genetics and brain chemistry determine the level and the interest and skill in politics? Or is politics primarily a creature of the socio-historical level of reality?

Spatial reach

Where does politics take place? Many political scientists limit politics to what is taking place within states. Is that casting the net too narrowly? Can there be politics through discussions in private  space? Is it politics when I get into a discussion about the viability of capitalism while I am at the unemployment line waiting for my check? Are there politics within families? Are there politics between lovers? Or are politics only about public affairs?

Am I being political if I ask my partner if she wants to go to the movies and propose a movie and she agrees to both proposals, is spontaneous agreement political? Suppose she said she wants to go to a movie but prefers another movie. We debate about it, and one of us persuades the other. Has the discussion become political? Suppose you and I are riding bicycles. We reach a crossroads where we have to decide whether to turn left or right. We each want to go in a different direction. Is the process of deciding this political?

Political agency

Who does politics? Is politics done only by politicians? If I argue with my neighbor about police brutality in my neighborhood, are my neighbor and I political beings in this discussion? Do I become political only when I vote on the issue in the next election? Do I become political when I bring police brutality to a town hall meeting next month? Or is the only person who is political the mayor who decides whether or not to make it part of his platform for his campaign next month?

What is the relationship between politics and power?

Can you have politics without having power? Can you have power without having politics? If power and politics are related, in what way? Are politics and power interchangeable? Is one a means to another? Is power the means and politics is the end? Is politics the means and power the end?

Politics, force and coercion

Let’s go back to this movie issue. Suppose Sandy has been drinking, and in the past she has been bad-tempered to her partner. She starts drinking while they are deciding on a movie. Sandy’s partner starts worrying and gives in to the movie Sandy wants to watch prematurely to avoid the risk of being yelled at. Is that politics?
This example is a small slice of a larger issue: what is the relationship between politics and force or the threat of force? Is violence an inherent part of politics or is politics what you do to win someone over without being violent?  Some political theorists like Bernard Crick say that politics is the art of compromising when you know you cannot get what you want. Others say that the whole political system is based on violence because the entire class system is based on exploitation and force. All attempts to change things must come up against this militaristic force which protects the rulers. Some say that the only force is political and that the state is the ultimate political actor because it has, in Weber’s words, a monopoly on the means of violence.

Interdisciplinary span of politics

How (if at all) is politics related to economics? What is the relationship between technology and politics?  Does the economy dictate politics? Does politics determine economics? Does technology determine politics or does politics determine technology? The same question could be asked about religion or mass media.

What, if any, is the relationship between theories of politics and political ideologies?

Is there a relationship between a consistent set of answers to these questions and whether you are a liberal or conservative? How will the answers of social democrats, communists and fascists be different than that of either anarchists on the left or libertarian capitalists on the right?

As it turns out, the field of cross-cultural politics I will be discussing gives very narrow answers to these questions and therefore leaves a great deal out.

  • Temporal reach – narrow, starts with class societies and leaves out tribal societies
  • Cross-species – narrow, limits it to the human species
  • Is politics biological? Narrow, politics is limited to the social, psychological
  • Spatial reach – narrow, limited to what happens in states
  • Political agency—limited to what politicians do, no one else
  • Relationship between politics and power, wide, used interchangeably
  • How is politics related to force or coercion? Narrow, understates force
  • Interdisciplinary span of politics – narrow, it excludes economics
  • Theories of politics and ideology -narrow, it tries to make politics scientific and above ideology

In Part II of my article, I identity seven theories of politics:

Old Institutionalists

Civil Republicans

  • Weberian political sociologists
  • Marxian political scientists
  • Rational choice theorists
  • Radical feminists
  • Bio-evolutionary

All the answers comparative politics gives to those questions primarily come from two schools, the old institutionalists and rational choice theorists. They pretty much leave out the other five schools.

Connection to past articles
About three years ago I wrote four articles about the ideological nature of political science. One article Anti-Communist Political Science: Propaganda for the Capitalist State was primarily about political science as it is practiced in the United States (not Europe). The second article, Invasion of the Body Snatchersconnects political science to neo-classical economics and shows how both support each other while blocking out an integrated approach called political economy. In my third article Dictatorship and Democracy I expose how Mordor political scientists were quite interested in dictatorships both in Europe and even within the United States in the 1930s. On the other hand, their interpretation of democracy was thin and lacked any subsistence. Lastly, my piece Totalitarian Anti-Communism showed the manipulation of the use of the word “Totalitarian” from the 1930s into the late 20th century. However, there is one topic that I did not cover in much detail and that is the subject of comparative politics. I did discuss it a bit in the last part of my first article but not in any depth. I would especially like to write about it now because while the field of comparative politics is not taken seriously outside the United States because its political manipulation is well-known, it still serves as propaganda for war and imperialism within the United States. It is as part of Yankee self-propaganda that discussing the field of comparative politics is still worth an analysis.

To call them democratic serves the ideological purposes of cold warriors and their desire to fight communism and preserve Western imperialism, in one shot.

Sources for my criticisms of comparative politics
Sources for my criticisms of comparative politics are as follows. Ronald Chilcote wrote a very good criticism of comparative politics from a Marxian point of view. He was especially good at exposing the ideological nature in the field. For example he pointed out the connection between the social sciences and the CIA. Ido Oren was also really excellent at showing the connection between modernization theorists and the promotion of US foreign policy. Michael Latham’s book Modernization as Ideology
reveals how modernization theory was behind JFK’s international anti-communist program, Alliance for Progress. Lastly, Irene Gendzier’s book Development Against Democracy explains how the word “development” was used by comparative politics involved in foreign policy to railroad countries on the capitalist periphery away from socialist and communist transition programs.


Where are we going?
In this article I will show eight foundational problems with comparative politics:

  • Its treatment of nation-states as autonomous and not determined by alliances and between larger, more powerful states and transnational capitalists.

Oligarchies vs Democracy

Those of you who were unlucky enough to take a political science class might have been exposed to a cross-cultural version of the same thing. I refer to the field of comparative politics. The first thing that struck my eye in looking at the table of contents of a college textbook on comparative politics was the different types of rule. According to mainstream theorists, there are only two kinds of rule, democratic and authoritarian. The United States and Western Europe are deemed “democratic” whereas Russia, China and Iran are deemed authoritarian.

The unpopularity of democracy in the West until the 20th century
One problem with this formulation is that it fails to address the unpopularity of democracy in Yankee history itself, not only among conservatives but liberals as well all the way to the end of the 19th century. In the 19thcentury when liberalism really took hold as a political ideology, liberals were not interested in democracy, and considered it “mob rule”. Most industrialized countries did not have the right to vote at the end of the 19th century. Back then farmer populist parties and socialist parties took their democracy seriously, bringing economics into it. The result was a “substantive democracy” championed by Charles Merriman and Charles Beard in the 1930s. But the rise of fascism and communism had shaken liberal confidence in the natural sympathy between democracy and capitalism. So in the 1940s Joseph Schumpeter introduced a weakened form of democracy as simply the circulation of elite politicians  that people choose between. The procedural democracy of Robert Dahl of the 1950s involved choosing between these elites through voting. There was nothing about economics.

In his book Strong Democracy, Benjamin Barber distinguishes “thick democracy” from the “thin democracy” of Dahl. My point is by the standards of thick democracy few if any Western countries are democratic. To call them democratic serves the ideological purposes of cold warriors and their desire to fight communism. Since democracy is a loaded virtue word, and authoritarian is a loaded vice word, a cold war opposition between the two is built into the entire field of comparative politics.

How many parties make a democracy?
What is striking is the criteria for what constitutes democracy when it comes to political parties. For comparative politics, a single party rule constitutes authoritarian rule. But the addition of just one more party, as in the American political system, we suddenly then have a democracy. Countries with many parties including most of Europe are also constituted as democracies. Aristotle argued that there were 3 forms of rule – monarchy, oligarchy and democracy. Oligarchy is the rule of the few. Given the actual nature of who controls the elections in the United States, it is most reasonable to say the United States and Western Europe are oligarchies, ruled by the ruling class, the upper class and the upper middle class. Taken together this is about 20% of the population, hardly a democracy. In the United States most of middle class, working class and poor have no representation and yet the country is called democratic.

  •   One party – authoritarian
  •          Two parties – democratic
  •          Many parties – democratic

In other words, the difference between one and two parties is greater than the difference between two parties and many parties. In fact, the implication of those who defend the two-party system is that having many parties can be confusing and unwieldly. So we wind up with the two parties of the United States as a kind center of stability. This is so despite the fact that for about the last 50 years, forty percent or more people in the United States do not vote. Is this a sign that democracy in the United States doesn’t work? Not at all. Those who don’t vote are dismissed as ignorant, apathetic or pathological in some way. The reason people don’t vote is simply because neither party represents their interest is never present. When voting tallies are presented, the number of people who don’t vote is rarely presented. Voting tallies are presented like 50% vs 49% for the two parties as if that constituted all the people who could have voted. In fact, in the actual tallies the winning party gets 30% of the vote. The loser gets 29%. What is ignored is the highest tally: 40% who don’t vote. This is democracy? What we have here is an oligarchy. But in comparative politics, democracy is not a process that actually exists but a self-congratulating ideology for the ruling capitalist oligarchs who control both parties.

Governing vs Ruling
In comparative politics, “governing” is a taken for granted term for Western capitalist societies. “Ruling” is saved for countries suspected of not being democratic, like “authoritarian” countries. I prefer to take the governing word very seriously as it is used in cybernetic systems. Governing in cybernetic systems means steering a system which includes goals, communication within the system, adaptation to the environment, feedback systems which allow for adjustment and few forward system which results in planning. The human heart is a “governor” of the human body. By these standards the only type of society in which there was governing was the egalitarian politics of hunting and gathering societies. Simple horticulture societies in these societies decision-making was collective. They adapted and moved when the ecology dictated a change.

For the last 5,000 years, complex political systems had rulers. This means that political goals were rarely carried out, communication systems were blocked and muddled by self-interested bureaucracies. Adaptations to the environment were slowed down by the machinations of the short-term thinking of ruling classes. Feedback systems were ignored such as extreme weather and pollution. Feed forward mechanisms were clogged by myopic ruling classes who couldn’t think three months ahead – if that. In Joseph Tainter’s book The Collapse of Complex Societies he describes how inept the ruling classes can be. Calling complex societies “governing” is ridiculous when compared to hunting and gathering societies which prevailed for 90% of human history. We are ruled by oligarchies and this should be reflected in any political field that considers itself scientific.

The Exclusion of Propaganda from Political Communication in the West
In part, the reason we have the illusion of democracy and a governing class rather than rulers of an oligarchy is because of Western propaganda. There are many textbooks describing propaganda in the West. If you like videos more than books, check out Adam Curtis’ documentary, The Century of the Self. This video demonstrates how 100 years of psychological propaganda in the person of Edward Bernays and the brainwashing in the work of Ewen Cameron controlled the Mordor public. Despite this, the only mention of propaganda in my comparative politics textbook is when it comes of “authoritarian” regimes. No surprises here.

Comparative Politics Ignores Capitalism
Following the tradition of Mordor social sciences, just as political science excludes economics while neoclassical economics ignores politics, comparative politics ignores the economic system of capitalism when it discusses Western politics. They ignore economic exchange and act as if politics was merely system of law, voting, institutional systems of bureaucracies and foreign policies. Without saying so, countries that count as “democratic” have capitalist exchanges. The field of comparative politics theorists act as if there was a natural, unremarkable relationship between capitalism and democracy. But as Rueschemeyer, Stephens and Stephens have described in their book Capitalist Development and Democracy, it was not the capitalist merchants that brought representative democracy to the West, but the working class. Capitalist economic exchanges should be foundational to understanding political systems. Yet in my comparative poetics textbook that I’m reading, “political economy” is buried in the last chapter of the book.

Two reasons why capitalism should be included in politics
Capitalism should be foundational to politics because countries that have counted as politically “underdeveloped” have become so because of capitalist imperialism, as Gunder Frank pointed out decades ago. At the same time capitalist societies should be foundational to politics because it was under capitalist crisis that fascism emerged. The political ideology of fascism can never be understood without its roots in capitalism. There has never been fascism in human history before capitalism and there has never been fascism without the presence of capitalism.

The Deep State and International Pressure Groups are not Included in the Decision-making Processes of Politics

Supposedly, democratically elected leaders of political parties govern their populations by carrying out “the will of the people”. I am countering this by saying these politicians represent the will of the oligarchs who rule over people. But the oligarchs do not just use political leaders to carry out their will. Besides capitalists that politicians have to answer to, there are agencies such as the FBI, the CIA as well as international pressure groups such as AIPAC, Five Eyes, and NED. None of these groups are mentioned in my comparative politics textbook as involving political decision making. The textbook on Political Psychology in International Relations writes as if political leaders make decisions for their nation by themselves. It is only in “authoritarian” societies that bureaucracies, revolutionary factions and terrorist groups come into play that constrain the decision-making will of the official political leaders.

Authoritarian Politics is Synonymous With Socialism 

When it comes to the West the field of comparative politics ignores the fact that its ruling oligarchy is run by capitalism. However, they have no problem declaring that authoritarian politics goes with a socialist “command economy”. Western countries that became socialist, such as Sweden and Norway, are presented as socialist democracies only because the presence of a market or capitalism. This made the naturally socialist authoritarian states more democratic.

Most military dictatorships are capitalists

Advocates of comparative politics ignore the fact that military dictatorships are often attempts by capitalists to hold on to power in the face of socialist uprisings. Most dictatorships are not socialist, but capitalist installations. In the case of socialism, the textbook cases that are trotted out are the old Soviet Union, Cuba or China. These countries have oligarchies as well. But whether or not they are more authoritarian than the capitalist West is much more complex than it first appears. Theories of comparative politics play down or ignore the relentless international class war any socialist system has to endure on a daily, weekly, monthly and yearly basis at the hands of the heads of state in the West along with their capitalist rulers. Capitalists in the West act as if the whole world is their private property. They treat any elected national leader (even if not a socialist) who has the nerve to set their own agenda for international trade as an enemy. All socialist leaders have to treat most any oppositional party in their country as potentially a tool of international capital. The extent to which socialist countries are authoritarian has a great deal to do with the pressure they experience from international capital.

What about “totalitarian”? 

Fortunately, this Cold War vice word is now internationally  discredited. However, the use of the term totalitarian to characterize socialist or communist countries, leaves out at least the following. If we grant that Sweden and Norway were once socialist, there has never been a socialist country with an advanced technology, communication systems, or advanced science. These societies have never had the ability to control the messages sent out to the population so that people were all thinking the same thing at the same time due to centralized control of propaganda. It is only advanced capitalist countries that have the capacity to do this. For example, Mordor’s media has roughly five corporations that all send out the same propaganda message in the case of Israel. People are severely punished by the police for supporting the Palestinians. All third parties in Mordor are blacked out. They cannot get into the “debates”. My point is that because of its control over mass media, capitalist control of the state is much closer to real totalitarianism than anything Stalin or Orwell ever dreamed up. The Soviet Union and China are poor countries. Their communist parties have no centralized control over their entire nation state. Peasants in both countries made up their own mind as to what was happening. Only in Mordor do you hear the same anti-working-class slogans against health care, or “welfare queens” from New York to San Francisco, from Houston Texas to Missoula in Montana. This is the power political propaganda holds to be internalized by people who imagine they are making up their own minds.

Comparative Politics Ignores Anarchism as Part of Socialism
The claim that all socialism is authoritarian ignores the 180-year history of the anarchist movement and its leaders from Proudhon to Bakunin to Malatesta, Kropotkin, to Lucy Parsons, Emma Goldman to Durruti. Anarchism was no intellectual movement. It was followed by thousands of people who fought in and out of labor unions and in the Russian and Spanish revolutions. This negligence on the part of comparative political theorists is ironic given that anarchism at its best is the purist form of democracy – direct democracy. If comparative political theorists understood the scale that the anarchists organized during the Spanish revolution of 1936-1939, they would be ashamed to think that what goes on in Western societies has anything to do with democracy, at least comparatively speaking.

Comparative Politics Ignores the International Pressures Within Larger States or Alliances Between other States

Comparative politics acts as if political decisions begin and end at national borders and with only official political leaders. But today’s nation-states have formed alliances with other nation-states. They have agreements about where they or won’t all act together. In the West we have the alliance of United States, England and Israel. None of those countries enacts a political decision by themselves. The same is true with China, Russia and Iran. Nation-states are interdependent, not independent actors.

Conclusion

I began this article with nine foundational questions of what politics is. I described how narrowly the field of comparative politics is in answering these questions. Then I identified seven theories of politics and showed how each of the seven theories of politics answers these nine questions differently. As it turned out, the field of political science uses only two of the seven theories: old institutionalism as rational choice theory.

Then I embedded within this article other articles I had written about how anticommunist domestic political science and neoclassical economics are in their studies and how international political science (comparative politics) is in carrying on that tradition. After that I named eight areas in which comparative politics are weak, including:

  • Its propagandistic use of the word “democracy”. I claim that no state society on this planet is democratic. They are oligarchies.
  • Its propagandistic use of the world governance. I identify with a cybernetic definition of governance, using the heart as an example. With this as criteria, no state system in the world governs a society. They all rule, not govern.
  • Comparative politics over-emphasizes the use of propaganda in “authoritarian” societies while barely even mentioning propaganda in capitalist ruling  oligarchies.
  • Comparative politics does not successfully integrate capitalism into the comparative systems it analyzes . One textbook tacks it on as a last chapter.
  • Comparative politics ignores the power of the institutions of the deep state and transnational capitalists in determining the decision-making capacities of politicians.
  • Its treatment of the term “authoritarian” is more or less synonymous with socialism. It plays down the existence of socialism in Scandinavian countries and communal councils in Venezuela.
  • Lastly, the use of the term “totalitarian” to depict Soviet Union, China and Cuba is completely false. In the case of the Soviet Union and China they were too poor to have a centralized state that could reach down to every peasant village and bombard them with propaganda. The foundation for this totalitarian state is a centralized media apparatus, mass transportation, a country that was electrified. Paradoxically it is Mordor’s control over its mass media where we see the closest approximation to totalitarianism.

 


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  • In cynicism and power, the US propaganda machine easily surpasses Orwells Ministry of Truth.
  • Now the fight against anti-semitism is being weaponised as a new sanctimonious McCarthyism.
  • Unless opposed, neither justice nor our Constitutional right to Free Speech will survive this assault.


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Yahya Sinwar, the right man at the right time?

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by A Cradle Contributor


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Yahya Sinwar, Hamas commander and Palestinian liberation hero, was killed in a confrontation with the iDF on 16 October 2024.  What follows is a news/assessment piece written about two months before his death.

(Photo Credit: The Cradle)

Yahya Sinwar, the right man at the right time?

A Cradle Contributor

AUG 8, 2024

The future of Palestine is at a critical juncture, marked by significant regional and international events reshaping the conflict with Israel, which introduces new challenges and fresh opportunities, both. 

One such event was Israel’s catastrophic 31 July assassination of Hamas political bureau chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, where he was to attend the inauguration ceremony of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian. 

Tel Aviv’s decision to assassinate the pragmatic, relatively moderate top Palestinian negotiator while he was a guest of the Islamic Republic was seen as a blatant transgression of all boundaries. This act was also intended to eliminate any prospects of a lasting ceasefire, which Tel Aviv views as a political defeat of its war on Gaza.

The martyrdom of Haniyeh at such a critical juncture raised questions regarding the future leadership of the Palestinian resistance movement, particularly given the assassination of his deputy, Saleh al-Arouri, in Beirut’s southern suburb earlier this year. 

It was the same area in which Israel killed Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr just a day before Haniyeh’s assassination.

For the past 10 months, Gaza’s Palestinians have faced what can be described as a war of extermination, with the Israeli occupation targeting all facets of Palestinian life and systematically eliminating resistance leaders both domestically and abroad. 

Thus, the announcement this week of Yahya Sinwar’s election as Haniyeh’s successor in Gaza was both a surprise to the Israeli occupation and a cause for celebration among Palestinians and their factions.

Why Yahya Sinwar? Why now? 

Sinwar was a natural choice for several reasons. He was Haniyeh’s deputy and the head of Hamas in the Gaza Strip, which positioned him as the immediate successor following Arouri’s assassination. 

As a leading architect of last year’s Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, Sinwar’s appointment can be seen as a direct challenge to Tel Aviv, reaffirming Hamas’ commitment to armed resistance and demonstrating confidence in his strategic capabilities.

Furthermore, Sinwar’s close relationship with the Qassam Brigades, Hamas’ military wing, enables him to effectively manage both the political and military affairs of the movement. His strong connections with key regional allies, including Iran, Hezbollah, and the broader Resistance Axis, bolster Hamas’ strategic position. 

Another considered candidate for the top post, Khaled Meshaal, despite being Haniyeh’s deputy and a former head of the political bureau, chose not to throw his hat into the leadership ring this time around.

Meshaal, whose relations with Tehran and Damascus have been strained due to his support for the Syrian opposition, had earlier indicated his unwillingness to lead. This enables him to focus on diplomatic efforts and maintaining relationships with key Hamas political and financial partners like Qatar and Turkiye. 

His decision paved the way for a unanimous consensus on Sinwar’s leadership, deemed more suited for the current militarized context, in which tested and solid ties with Tehran and other members of West Asia’s Axis of Resistance are viewed as essential. 

New challenges under Sinwar’s watch 

Although Hamas’ political bureau and General Shura Council, led by interim caretaker Abu Omar Hassan, elected Yahya Sinwar as the movement’s new leader, his appointment has received widespread support from Palestinian factions and national figures, who see it as a continuation of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood and the rightful political response to the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh.

But what does this succession mean for the future of negotiations and a lasting ceasefire in Gaza? Sinwar, it should be noted, has overseen past negotiations, managed the Palestinian prisoners’ file, and has an in-depth understanding of Israeli society, having spent over 20 years in Israeli prisons where he learned Hebrew. 

He is, therefore, expected to maintain the talks currently underway, which will be led by the deputy head of Hamas in Gaza, Khalil al-Hayya, under Sinwar’s general supervision. 

Palestinian reconciliation, regional alliances

On 23 July, an agreement was signed in Beijing, China, between Fatah, Hamas, and other Palestinian factions, with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s oversight. Sinwar supports reconciliation and the formation of the proposed national unity government, an important breakthrough for Palestinian unification. 

His history of engineering the Beach Agreement in 2014 and handing over crossings to the Palestinian Authority (PA) in 2017 demonstrates his commitment to national partnership and reconciliation, even with US and Israeli-backed PA President Mahmoud Abbas. Sinwar is expected to strengthen these efforts further in his new leadership role. 

At the regional level, the new Hamas chief prioritizes relationships with Iran, Lebanon, and Egypt. Despite having normalized relations with Israel, Cairo is seen by Sinwar as a crucial neighbor due to its proximity to Gaza and historical interactions. Equally, he looks to Lebanon for Hezbollah’s support and Iran for its strategic backing and provision of weapons and expertise. 

One of Sinwar’s speeches summarized his regional outlook. In it, he invoked a hadith of the Prophet Muhammad: “A soldier in the Levant, a soldier in Iraq, and a soldier in Yemen,” which reflects his strategic vision of the Unity of Fronts

Additionally, Sinwar has expressed interest in strengthening ties with Russia and China, indicating his broad international vision of a multipolar order. 

A defining moment for the Palestinian resistance 

A formidable threat to the Israeli occupation, Sinwar is viewed by Tel Aviv as the primary architect of Al-Aqsa Flood. Israeli leadership, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, believes the conflict cannot end without Sinwar’s assassination. 

Hamas, therefore, faces the challenge of protecting its current leader, while Sinwar must continue to confront and lead the resistance against the US-backed occupation army. 

Should Israel’s campaign of ethnic cleansing subside with Sinwar still leading, substantial changes are anticipated. He has the potential to transform the resilience of Gaza’s people into political achievements and strengthen ties throughout West Asia’s Axis of Resistance. 

The coming days present both challenges and opportunities for Hamas under Yahya Sinwar’s leadership. The movement has a real chance to solidify its position and implement substantial policy and strategic shifts, coinciding with enhanced tactical support from Tehran, Sanaa, and Beirut as they prepare for long-overdue reprisals against the occupation entity.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.


Appendix (by TGP editors)
Circumstances make the man?


Ali la Pointe


Draw your own conclusions.




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  • In cynicism and power, the US propaganda machine easily surpasses Orwells Ministry of Truth.
  • Now the fight against anti-semitism is being weaponised as a new sanctimonious McCarthyism.
  • Unless opposed, neither justice nor our Constitutional right to Free Speech will survive this assault.


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Armed Resistance is enshrined in international law

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Vanessa Beeley


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Armed Resistance is enshrined in international law


Al-Qassam Brigade Ambushes IDF On Rafah Streets, Israeli Merkava Tanks Up In Smoke | Shocking


Lili News 029
  • In cynicism and power, the US propaganda machine easily surpasses Orwells Ministry of Truth.
  • Now the fight against anti-semitism is being weaponised as a new sanctimonious McCarthyism.
  • Unless opposed, neither justice nor our Constitutional right to Free Speech will survive this assault.


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The causes of the power blackout in Cuba

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Charles McKelvey
Knowledge, ideology, and real socialism in our times


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The causes of the power blackout in Cuba

The darkened streets of Havana. Thanks the Empire for that.


The principal cause of the October 18-October 21 power outage in Cuba is the intensification of the U.S. economic, commercial, and financial blockade against Cuba, initiated by the Trump administration as one front in an economic, ideological, and political war against leading anti-imperialist countries, and continued by the Biden administration.  The new front implements previously enacted U.S. legislation that targets companies and banks in third countries that have transactions with Cuba, and it threatens fines and other sanctions on companies and banks throughout the world, using its absurd inclusion of Cuba on a list of countries that supposedly sponsor terrorism.  The front is defended with the pretext that the Cuban government is authoritarian, a claim that is at least partially believed by the majority of the American people, because of widespread unawareness of Cuban reality.  The new front ruptured Cuban relations with many international commercial and financial partners.  It has led to a decline in Cuban production, due to shortages in supplies and materials necessary for agricultural, pharmaceutical, and light industrial production for both domestic consumption and exportation.  With respect to the generation of electricity, the intensification of the blockade has meant that parts and supplies necessary for the maintenance of aging thermoelectric power plants could not be obtained.

Cuban President explains economic crisis

Cuban President explains economic crisis

·
MAY 17

An emergency energy plan announced on October 17

     The primary immediate cause of the blackout was the lack of fuel oil that the thermoelectric power plants require.  The lack of fuel oil was announced to the nation in a special television news program on Thursday, October 17, the evening before the system’s collapse, by Prime Minister Manuel Marrero Cruz and Edrey Rocha González, general director of the Cuba Petroleum Union (CUPET).  Rocha González explained fuel oil should have been delivered on October 9, but the delivery was delayed due to bad weather, and it did not arrive to the country until October 14.  Now docked in Matanzas, the ship will proceed to Havana and Mariel when weather permits.  Another oil ship is docked in Moa.  He declared that the situation would improve when the fuel oil is delivered to the thermoelectric plants.   

     Secondary immediate causes reviewed by the Prime Minister are the aging state of the infrastructure, with the lack of necessary parts and supplies for maintenance, and the increase in demand.  During the Thursday evening news special, Alfredo López Valdés, general director of the Electricity Union, reported that demand has grown as a result of new economic actors in the private sector, which has caused, for example, the importation of more than 100,000 air conditioners.  A plan for the regulation of temperatures in the places of the new economic actors will be emitted, which will include the promotion of self-generating electricity in establishments.

     The Prime Minister also announced a program to confront the situation of the electrical system, which will be led by Vice-Prime Minister Ramiro Valdés Menéndez.  The program envisions the progressive recuperation of the thermoelectric system by means of the increase of production of national crude oil and the increasing use of renewable sources of energy, thus eliminating the dependency of the national electrical system on the importation of fuel oil.

“Power blackout in Cuba: A chronicle from central Havana,” October 22, 2024

                                                                            §

Collapse and re-establishment of the system, October 18-October 22

     On Friday, October 18, the Antonio Guiteras thermoelectric plant, located in Matanzas, went out of service at 11:00 a.m., suddenly generating zero electricity, which provoked the immediate collapse of the national electrical system.


The roots of the problem lie in the illegal US 62-year old embargo. Washington absolutely has no legitimate right to apply worldwide sanctions on Cuba, or any other country, for that matter, but it does by virtue of its "exceptionalist" hegemonic power, fortunately now in decline. 


     Following the collapse of the electrical system on Friday, October 18, the Electricity Union immediately went to work creating microsystems (“islands”) around thermoelectric plants in various regions of the country.  This process was aided by the distribution of fuel oil in the country on Saturday, increasing generating capacity.  However, several efforts to synchronize the microsystems into a national system failed.  So it was decided on Sunday to create three regional systems, in the western, central, and eastern regions of the country.  By Monday, the three regional systems were attained and consolidated, including the system of Havana.  On Tuesday afternoon, October 22, the three regional systems were successfully synchronized, constituting the re-establishment of the national electrical system. 

     The national system is now operating with stability.  The Electricity Union reports that the system is more robust than it was immediately prior to the collapse, because of the greater availability of fuel oil at present, and because there are more generators now in operation.  However, the system continues to function without energy in reserve.  The Electricity Union calculates each day how much megawattage there is in relation to demand, and it implements planned cuts in service in particular localities for a few hours to ensure the continuation of the electrical service. 

     But the future is not dark.  Expansion in photovoltaic energy, already in process, combined with the increased national production of crude oil, will enable the system to attain energy sovereignty and stability without depending on the importation of fuel oil, the availability of which is shaped by imperialist sanctions and international conditions.

     The threat posed by the blackout has been contained, as a result of the dedicated day-and-night work of the electrical workers, accompanied by the Cuban people, who supported each other in difficult conditions, living without electrical service and water, and who passed on the opportunity to participate in politically immature protest. 

     The leadership and the people of Cuba have overcome the blackout of 2024, by their own account and their own resources.


The Prime Minister and the President in San Antonio del Sur, Guantanamo, in their roles as civil defense officers.  Photo: Estudios Revolución/Granma.

The Prime Minister and the President in San Antonio del Sur, Guantanamo, in their roles as civil defense officers.  Photo: Estudios Revolución/Granma.


Hurricane Oscar

     Hurricane Oscar struck the eastern province of Guantanamo on Monday, October 21.  It caused extensive damage from winds and flooding.  Houses were destroyed, and five lives were lost, including a child.  In spite of the economic and energy crises, no one in Cuba has been waiting for international humanitarian aid.  All of Cuba is mobilized to come to the aid of Guantanamo, and especially the hard-hit town of San Antonio del Sur, headed by Cuban President and Party secretary Miguel Díaz-Canel and Prime Minister Carrero Cruz.  Cuban civil defense units, organizations of workers and students, and brigades of electrical workers have been mobilized, delivering food, water and provisions and participating in the reconstruction.  The Union of Communist Youth has organized nearly 200 youth brigades that are arriving in the eastern province.  Units of the Revolutionary Armed Forces are playing a central role, transporting sick persons and pregnant women by helicopter to hospitals in nearby provinces as well as relocating people whose houses were destroyed and constructing new access routes to replace roads and bridges that have been washed away.  These activities have been accompanied by countless messages of solidarity from across the island. 

     In these days of power failure and natural disaster, it can be observed that the people feel themselves to be the protagonists in their story.  Moved by solidarity, the people have once again risen to the challenge, demonstrating that they are a revolutionary people.  The fundamental teaching of Fidel, that “no one has the right to lose faith in the future of humanity,” is written in their hearts.

 


Lili News 029
  • In cynicism and power, the US propaganda machine easily surpasses Orwells Ministry of Truth.
  • Now the fight against anti-semitism is being weaponised as a new sanctimonious McCarthyism.
  • Unless opposed, neither justice nor our Constitutional right to Free Speech will survive this assault.


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Creative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License • 
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