Tippi Hedren: Alfred Hitchcock tried to destroy my career

Alfred Hitchcock made her a star in The Birds and then, Tippi Hedren tells our correspondent, he tried to destroy her

Appropriately, Tippi Hedren’s relationship with Alfred Hitchcock began with a mystery. It was 1961. She was a model and had moved to California with her daughter (the actress Melanie Griffith) from New York. She starred in a TV advert for Sego, a diet drink. One day – it was Friday, October 13 and she laughs wryly at the date; it was kind of unlucky in the end – a man from Universal Studios asked to see her photographs.

“He asked me to come back on the Monday,” Hedren, 78, recalls on the phone from Shambala Preserve, the wildlife reserve she founded in Acton, California in 1983. “I went back and I met executive after executive, none of whom would tell me what was going on. Finally my own agent told me: ‘Alfred Hitchcock wants you to sign a contract and go to see him.’ I burst into tears and ran up and down the hall. I was being handed an incredible situation on a silver platter. My life completely changed.” She was about to be transformed into the archetypal Hitchcock blonde, fetishised and deified.

Hedren had grown up in Minnesota and had wanted originally to be a skater. When younger, she was “so painfully shy” that she would walk to and from school, head down, biting her nails, “until one day when I thought, then and there, ‘I’m going to stop biting them’, and I did”.

She modelled for a local department store, her catwalk career bloomed, she travelled the world. She was bringing up Melanie by herself in the early Sixties when she met Hitchcock. The encounter was in the director’s elegant office at Paramount. “He had seen the Sego advert and I remember he looked very pleased with himself. We talked about food, travel, wine, anything but film. I thought I’d be appearing in his weekly TV shows. But it became obvious he was working on the script for The Birds.”

A gruelling, detailed, very serious screen test, presided over by Alma, Hitchcock’s wife, lasted three days. “It was fun,” says Hedren: she had no idea what obsession was taking root in Hitch’s head.

“After the test, I went for dinner at Chasen’s with Alma, Hitch and [the agent and studio executive] Lew Wasserman. Hitch gave me a beautifully packaged box. It was a gold and seed-pearl pin of three birds with their wings spread. ‘I want you to play the part of Melanie Daniels in The Birds,’ Hitch said. I was teary-eyed, Alma was in tears, Lou shed one tear. It was very dramatic. I had never done a film before. To take on a role as serious as this . . . I was going to be a star in a major motion picture with one of the most revered directors in the world.”

Hitch was both her director and her drama coach, she says. “He was thrilled that I hadn’t had any acting training; I didn’t have to unlearn anything. He planned everything so meticulously that a film felt finished before you had started shooting it. He knew how every scene should look, the point of every scene.”

At the start, filming The Birds was “wonderful”. Hedren says she “became quite fond of the birds. One was so nice Hitch couldn’t put him in the movie because he wasn’t aggressive. He’d come hopping up the steps of my dressing room, play with my make-up and sit on my shoulder.”

But near the end of filming, Hedren shot the final attack scene where Melanie is brutally attacked by the birds. “An assistant producer came in and couldn’t look at me. He told me they were going to use real birds, not mechanical ones. Those birds pecked – I’d seen what had happened to the trainers. They tied the birds to me with elastic bands. They hurled birds at me. One of the birds tied on my shoulder only just missed scraping its claw into my eye. I shouted, ‘Get these birds off me’ and I sat in the middle of the sound-stage and cried. At the end I was so exhausted I was out cold. I don’t remember anyone driving me home. I realised that Hitch had chosen an unknown actress because no famous actress in their right mind would have done this movie.”

Hitch had already told her, with some relish, about tying up Madeleine Carroll (the original Hitchcock blonde, star of The 39 Steps and Secret Agent) to a post and leaving her there all afternoon.

Afterwards Hitchcock didn’t mention the incident with the birds. “Not a word,” says Hedren. “Which is weird. He was extremely complicated. I think he was a misogynist – absolutely, no doubt about it. But I wasn’t a wimpy girl. New York had made me tough. I wasn’t frightened.

“Of course, he was brilliant, I had training from the best. He was a great story-teller, he would recite dirty limericks, he had books and books of them, and he held court. He wouldn’t go to an event unless he was the centre of attention.”

His attention was also firmly, too firmly, focused on Hedren. “It was the start of an obsession,” she says. “Women aren’t stupid. It was a very uncomfortable thing. I wasn’t interested in him like that. He’d want a glass of champagne after shooting. He watched me all the time. He wanted to have private lunches. He really wanted to control my life which is very difficult if you’re a grown woman with a daughter. It was very wearing and frightening.”

A couple of times Alma said to her: “I’m sorry you have to go through this, Tippi.” Hedren thinks Alma loved him and he relied on her expertise and eye.

During the filming of Marnie the following year, Hedren told him she wanted their contract to end. “Well, you can’t,” she says Hitchcock told her. “You have a daughter to bring up. Your parents are getting older.” But no one in her family, Hedren says, would have wanted her to be as unhappy as she was. The last straw came in the “many demands” he made on her during the filming of Marnie. She won’t say what they were, “but I told him I wasn’t going to do any of the things he was asking. I told him I wanted out.”

“I’ll ruin your career,” Hitchcock said. “And he did,” Hedren says now. “He kept me under contract – $600 dollars a week. I didn’t make any movies. I was, as you’d say back then, ‘hot’ and later found out how many directors and producers wanted me. It was very frustrating.”

She laughs, and says she is watching three tigers running through the water at Shambala. I hear a meowing: she has six kittens named Marlon Brando, Antonio Banderas (the husband of Griffiths,her daughter), Melanie Griffiths, Rod Taylor, Sean Connery and John Saxon. “And I sleep with them every night.”

When she was finally released from her contract, Charlie Chaplin cast her in A Countess from Hong Kong (1967) with Marlon Brando. “Hitch almost had a heart attack when he found out,” she says. “In England, while I was filming it, Hitch asked me to have dinner with him and I said, ‘Oh Hitch, wouldn’t it be fabulous if you and Charlie were photographed together? Both of you are from England, from humble beginnings and look at what you’ve become.’ Hitch said, ‘Why would I ever want to do that?’”

Hitchcock died in 1980. Has she made her peace with him? “One of the teachings of Kabbalah [which she practises] is that if someone hurts you deeply, do not carry around all that hurt or it will eat you alive. I don’t hold grudges,” she says.

She and Kim Novak have spoken about being a Hitchcock blonde. “It’s a moniker that surprises me, but it’s lovely. Kim knew what I had gone through, though she had an OK time with him . . . She married a veterinarian and I was engaged to one. I’ve been married three times and that’s enough. Marriages are always complicated. Now I’m happily single. I’m waiting for someone to sweep me off my feet.”

Hitch was true to his word: her career never lived up to the promise of the films he made with her. Since then she has poured her money and love into the Shambala reserve. There are even flocks of ravens that swoop on the 600lb of meat put out for the animals daily. “Hitch succeeded in ruining my career but he didn’t ruin me,” Hedren says defiantly. But to have that fame and lose it? “Yes. That’s why I have to be very Kabbalah about it,” Hedren says sharply. “I didn’t tell anyone about what had happened for 20 years because I was embarrassed. If it happened today I would be rich.” Because she would have sued him for sexual harassment? “Absolutely.” She felt “relief” when Hitchcock died. “It was so terribly hurtful.”

A remake of The Birds, starring Naomi Watts in Hedren’s role, is slated for release next year. “Isn’t that silly?” Hedren laughs, “to take a major motion picture by one of the world’s greatest directors and do it over? They called me and I told them it was ridiculous. Can’t they get any fresh ideas of their own? It will be all special effects. I don’t want anything to do with it.”

But she has to work, she says, and she still acts. Her dream role would be in the mould of Katharine Hepburn at her waspish best. “I don’t mind getting older,” Hedren says, “but not being old. I don’t feel old. I don’t eat too much. I exercise. I take care of my skin but haven’t had surgery. Sure, I’ve thought about it but no.”

Frozen as an icon, just at the fag end of the Golden Age of Hollywood, surely Kabbalah can’t neutralise all Hedren’s frustration at that stalled career? “My concern was my peace of mind,” she insists. “I made peace with myself. You hear of actors and actresses becoming despondent if their career ends. I never was.”

Shambala is her achievement and legacy, she says. In 2003 she successfuly lobbied for a Bill “stopping the interstate trafficking of exotic felines for personal possession”. Now she is campaigning for a federal ban on the breeding of those species for the same.

“Back in 2003 someone threatened to put explosives under my car and release diseases into Shambala. So this time I am going to ask Donatella [Versace, ‘she’s a friend of Melanie’s’] to make me a bullet-proof vest. All my ancestors lived to their late nineties. I’m planning on being around for a long time.” It’s that survivor instinct Hitch probably saw in her when casting the much pecked-upon Melanie Daniels; the same instinct he tried – unsuccessfully – to extinguish.

THIS PIECE ORIGINALLY APPEARED ON THE TIMES OF LONDON

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REVIEWS—Iran, Politics, and Film: “Argo” or “A Separation”?

October 13, 2012

By Jennifer Epps, The Political Film Blog



On the spectrum of recent U.S. films about intense life-and-death conflicts between Persians and “our guys’, the most propagandistic, militaristic, and reactionary position is occupied by the reprehensible live-action cartoon 300. You could call this the “Kill Them All” position. On the opposite end of that spectrum, the most humanistic, egalitarian, and psychologically insightful position is occupied by the exquisite drama The House of Sand and Fog — a chamber piece that shows how misunderstandings can spiral tragically out of control. You might call this the “Human Decency” position.

Somewhere in the middle of those two extremes lies the new movie Argo, directed by Ben Affleck for Smokehouse Pictures, the production company owned by George Clooney and Grant Heslov. Argo is about the Iranian hostage crisis of 1979, and how the CIA came up with an unlikely rescue plan for six of the Americans hiding outside of the embassy: they would pretend to make a sci-fi movie. The premise has enormous potential, and it’s easy to see why it would be attractive to Hollywood. Unfortunately, the finished product is nowhere near the “Human Decency” end of the spectrum. I think its liberal makers would be surprised and actually ashamed if they realized how much more it leans towards 300.

There is no doubt that Argo is a very ambitious film. It wants to be life-and-death serious, funny, and exciting all at once, and to join historical accuracy with breathless pacing, jokey put-downs of Hollywood, and an absurdist scheme at the story’s core. As Affleck confided in an interview, it is also ambitious in its delicate tonal balance. It aims to be a taut suspense thriller that also provides some history of the strained relations between the U.S. and Iran, and it tries to re-create the 1970’s vibe without being too cheesy or campy. All the while, of course, it is designed to be commercial, with a budget of $44 million — the L.A. Times alleges that this makes it “one of the season’s more daring gambles, the kind of movie most studios stopped making in the last decade.”

At the same time, it seems to want to leave us with the takeaway that even in a nightmarish scenario, bitter differences can be resolved without bombing anyone. (At the premiere, the audience applauded President Carter’s voiceover explaining that in the end we got all the hostages out, and we did it peacefully). The movie does show that deciding against a bloodbath can take courage and foresight. And perhaps this is what Affleck, Clooney, and Heslov believe made the movie the right thing to do right now — even at the risk of stoking the fires of warmongers here at home in 2012, by raising the spectre of Americans imperiled by Iran.

Well, it achieves all those goals in spades, and I applaud its ambitions and its aplomb. But I wish it was considerably more ambitious.

Argo catapults between, as Affleck put it to the L.A. Times, “three different themes and three different worlds: the CIA, Hollywood, and the Iran tensions.” Affleck’s quote is informative: the third theme or world that he organized the film around was “Iran tensions’, not Iran itself. Not even the Iranian revolution. The subject is the threat to Americans. Argo is about the plight of 6 Americans hiding out in Tehran after the embassy is seized, and it cuts away only to strategic debates at CIA headquarters as agent Tony Mendez (Affleck) struggles against bureaucratic inertia, or to comic relief scenes in Hollywood between John Goodman and Alan Arkin. No matter where our wheels touch down, it’s Americans who matter. This is a movie that views Iran in the 1970s from the living-room where the 6 are hiding — and the blinds are closed.

The cover story being used to try to smuggle the 6 hideaways out of Tehran is that they are location-scouting for a movie, so the day before they are to escape, they go out in public to make their aliases more believable. Do we, on the pretend location scout, finally see some of Tehran’s cultural landmarks? Do we get a sense of an ancient civilization and a sophisticated culture? Do we have any panoramas of people going about their business in the complexity of a metropolitan city? No, because the Americans’ expedition is just as claustrophobic as the scenes in their lair — Affleck crowds them into a van, squeezes the van in a vice as they are swarmed by furious protesters, and then jostles them around in a packed bazaar that turns hostile. Of course, he’s doing this deliberately for the tension it creates in them and in us. But throughout the film, the Iran we see in the news clips and the Iran we see dramatized are all on the same superficial level: incomprehensible, out-of-control hordes with nary an individual or rational thought expressed.

After a brief (albeit important) animated storyboard introduction that contextualizes the events of 1979 with some history, it is the storming of the American embassy which begins both the film proper and our exposure to the Iranian revolution. You wouldn’t know from this film that, despite years of persecution during Iran’s westernized government, the communist Tudeh Party was also out organizing workers’ strikes during the turmoil of the Shah Pahlavi’s overthrow. The movie does stress that the U.S. helped overthrow the democratically-elected prime minister Mohammad Mossaddeq in 1953 because he dared to nationalize Iran’s oil, and then backed the Shah and his use of the notorious SAVAK secret police to kidnap and torture the Shah’s opponents. These are obviously excellent points to make. But Argo glosses over the diversity of opinion in Iran and the intellectual ferment before the theocratic lockdown, making the culture look exactly the way an insular American public has come to believe all Islamic countries look. The film offers only scant insight into how  the Islamists came to win over a country that had previously been quite secular and sophisticated.

Very, very few Iranian characters are individualized in Argo, and most of the time when we see Iranians on-screen, their words are not translated for us. Take Farshad Farahat’s character. He is an officer in the Revolutionary Guards, one of the final terrifying obstacles the escaping protagonists must face at the airport. Farahat tries not to play stupid or cartoonish like so many ethnic villains in Hollywood movies, but most of the little he has been given to say is un-translated, so Farahat has to do almost all of the work with his eyes. The movie apparently never intended much more for him: his character’s name is merely “Azzizi Checkpoint #3”.

Another Persian, Reza (Omid Abtahi), makes an appearance in the marketplace in Tehran. His defining characteristic is whether the Americans can trust him. When he is friendly, his words are translated. When an altercation breaks out, there are no subtitles.

And even the point of the jokey snippet of dialogue that is translated seems to be to mock his idea of a Hollywood movie even more than Argo sends up the fake sci-fi B-movie. This dialogue emphasizes his cultural Other-ness, making him sound as sexist and out-of-touch as a Sacha Baron Cohen creation.

Nowhere, in a caper that exists in part to celebrate movie magic, is it mentioned that Iran has its own cinematic tradition — though if the Argo creative team had ever seen the award-winning 1992 tribute film Once Upon a Time, Cinema they would have seen clips from old Iranian movies dating all the way back to the silent era. By the time Argo is set, a number of Iranian film festivals had been in existence several years, including the Tehran International Film Festival ‘to promote the art of Cinema that expresses humanitarian values and promotes understanding and exchange of ideas between nations’. And there were already several film and television schools in Iran, including a decade-old government-financed School of Television and Cinema which students attended for free. 480 feature films were made in Iran between 1966 and 1973; filmmakers, like other Iranian artists and intellectuals, had plenty to call attention to under the Shah’s oppressive regime. In fact, the Iranian New Wave, which launched in 1969, should have been known to Argo ‘s Foreign Service professionals who had spent their leisure time in Tehran; with filmmakers as respected as Dariush Mehrjui and Abbas Kiarostami already active. By the late seventies, movies were already the key form of mass entertainment in the country. Yet Affleck has the Revolutionary Guards gawking and giggling over the storyboards and poster for the fake Hollywood movie like awe-struck children.

Still of Sheila Vand and Ali Saam in “Argo”

The most important Iranian character in the film is the young and beautiful Sahar (Sheila Vand), the housekeeper to the Canadian ambassador and his wife who secretly harbor the 6 American refugees. But calling her the most important Iranian character is not saying much — and neither is Sahar. Over a handful of scenes she may have a grand total of 3 lines. In this case they are translated, because they are relevant to the plot. Her character, however, is defined by her attitude toward the Americans. She also may be the only kind of Iranian the movie is interested in individuating because she is separated from her society, ensconced in a Western household.

Sahar also reflects a class differential that accompanies the chasm between nations in Argo. Apart from a smooth-talking, sinister heavy Ali Khalkali (Ali Saam) who presides over a cultural portfolio in the new government, we see only guards, soldiers, merchants, a guide, a domestic worker, and unspecified mobs in the street. By contrast, the American characters are either professionals or have highly skilled jobs: CIA agents, State Dept. officials, members of the Foreign Service, and Hollywood above-the-line talent or artisans. Thus the overall picture of Argo ‘s Iranian characters as second-class is exemplified even through their occupations. Note that this is very much at odds with the value system Iranian-Americans often express, cherishing educational accomplishments and taking great pride in professional status.

In a somewhat similar vein, Argo does not make it clear that the storming of the embassy was carried out by militant students — and only a few years after a wave of occupations in the U.S., albeit usually considerably more non-violent, by students and militants. We absorb only an impression of an amorphous, frenzied mob. By contrast, U.S. news media corporations covering the 2011 Green Revolution in Iran made sure we knew about the youth component in that movement — because they wanted to help American viewers identify with the protesters, and to make them seem rational.

Yet one would think that discussions in Argo among the students suddenly in direct control over so many people’s lives would have held some dramatic potential. The Tehran students’ views on the internal conditions within the U.S. — the fact that they released some hostages early who were female or people of color because, they claimed, these people were oppressed by the American system — would certainly have suggested that Iran contained thinking beings. But we never go behind-the-scenes at this revolution. (Instead, Affleck and screenwriter Chris Terrio’s tempering historical introduction is soon outweighed by the visceral power of mobs storming walls, chador-clad women toting rifles, and banshees screaming into news cameras.) To allow a little insight wouldn’t mean Argo would be condoning the revolution or hostage-taking. After all, in A Tale of Two Cities, Dickens empathized with the suffering that led to the French revolution, but he still made its horror manifest. And he did it all in the service of a breathtakingly exciting escape story, not unlike Argo.

“Argo” still of 6 Americans escaping the U.S. Embassy

But there’s also the fact that Argo suggests and circles around the idea that the whole crisis was blowback against CIA covert ops. It might have been appropriate for somebody on the American side to feel conflicted about what they had wrought. Affleck portrays a real CIA agent, lead character Tony Mendez, who gets people out of tough places; he is even said to have helped get some of “the Shah’s people” out. But he is an uncompromised hero — his struggle is less about ethical questions than about strategy, and (as the Republicans like to say) “resolve.’ Ironically, Affleck had more of an internal dilemma in the last movie he directed, the bank heist caper The Town. And in the one before that, Gone Baby Gone, Ben’s brother Casey faced very troubling moral choices. Yet those Boston thrillers were about garden-variety criminals and detectives, and their moral quandaries involved only a couple of people. Why do the decades of Cold War schemes of the CIA, carried out on a mass scale beyond democratic oversight and frequently subverting democracy abroad, occasion so much less gravitas?

Now, these liberal filmmakers might object that an introspective CIA tragedy has already been made (The Good Shepherd, starring Affleck’s friend Matt Damon), and so has a bumbling CIA farce (Burn After Reading, featuring Clooney). They could well ask “what do you want from us?”, and point out that Argo actually calls the CIA the biggest terrorist organization in the world. Yes, but that designation is made, and only in passing, by America’s official enemy, and as Noam Chomsky would explain, that’s how the media prevents accusations from hitting home.

Clooney, Heslov, and Affleck might point out that the movie does stipulate why Iranians were angry at the U.S. Yes but, again, as media critics would attest, if you bury a story deep inside the newspaper, readers will assume it is of little importance: the well-intentioned seeds that Argo plants to explain “why they hated us” in 1979 are stomped on by the boots of the maniacal hordes. (Affleck also shows archival footage of Americans throwing tantrums in the streets and calling for Iranian blood, but they’re not directly terrorizing anybody at the time; the Iranians are.)

The problem is that viewers who don’t already know their Chomsky or William Blum aren’t going to walk out of the film muttering “gee, it’s more complicated than I thought.” Instead, they’ll leave with their fears and prejudices reaffirmed: that Middle Easterners create terror, that Americans must be the world’s policemen, and that Iranians cannot be trusted because they hate America.

It could be argued that Argo is not meant to be a leftist political tract or a dour history lecture but a fun spy thriller, which is how it got financed in the first place. I realize that many of my concerns are about elements that actually work resoundingly well in purely cinematic terms — and maybe Affleck was so focused on pacing, tension, drama, and excitement, all of which are his job, after all, that the other psychological effects he was creating didn’t even occur to him. I admit I have no idea if the changes I’d like would have made it a better movie; perhaps my way would have been the boring way. It is certainly extremely entertaining as it is: crisply and intelligently directed, perfectly-cast as Affleck’s films always are, witty, moving, absorbing, and nail-bitingly intense. If politics and humanitarian concerns didn’t matter, it could be called a terrific movie.

Farshad Farahat, the Iranian-American actor who plays “Azzizi Checkpoint #3”, probably appreciates that the makers of Argo were not consciously on the war path like the author of 300, Frank Miller was. (Slate critic Dana Stevens wrote that if 300 “had been made in Germany in the mid-1930s, it would be studied today alongside The Eternal Jew as a textbook example of how race-baiting fantasy and nationalist myth can serve as an incitement to total war.” Some fans might not want to think 300 has this agenda, but Miller made the conclusion unavoidable when he told NPR: “It seems to me quite obvious that our country and the entire Western World is up against an existential foe that knows exactly what it wants… For some reason, nobody seems to be talking about who we’re up against, and the sixth century barbarism that they actually represent.”)

Long before his experience in Argo, Farahat wrote a guest essay for the L.A. Times about 300. It shows a glimpse of what it must be like to come from a culture that is so relentlessly demonized, and I suspect that part of what comes with that experience is appreciating differences in degree in how deeply a cultural artifact dips into the swamp of prejudice.

The triumvirate behind Argo have a track record that shows their concerns for social justice. As an activist, Clooney has worked for years against the genocide in Darfur. He also produced and starred in the searing ensemble drama about the politics of oil in the Middle East, Syriana, and helped get the anti-war actioner Three Kings made. Heslov co-wrote the script for the film Clooney directed about the media and Cold War paranoia, Good Night, and Good Luck, and he directed a Clooney-starrer that gleefully subverted the military-industrial-intelligence complex, The Men Who Stare at Goats. Meanwhile, Affleck and his buddy Damon tried for years to get their old pal Howard Zinn’s groundbreaking tome A People’s History of the United States made into a miniseries. (A concert performance special of Zinn’s work did air on History Channel before he passed away.)

We are certainly fortunate that the inviting premise of Argo did not end up in the hands of more jingoistic and warmongering directors or producers, like William Friedkin (Rules of Engagement) or Jerry Bruckheimer (Black Hawk Down). As I said, on the continuum of messaging in Hollywood movies on this general subject, Argo falls in the middle.

But despite their credentials and beliefs, Affleck, Clooney and Heslov have certainly not brought Argo anywhere close to The House of Sand and Fog. Trita Parsi, reviewing the latter film for the National Iranian American Council, deemed it “one of Hollywood’s first refined and sophisticated portrayals of Iranians and Iranian Americans… a step in the right direction for Hollywood; away from its simplistic, Manichean perspective and towards a polished outlook with a focus on the essence of the individual”. Argo almost completely ignores individual Iranians; its portrait of an entire culture is neither refined nor sophisticated; and it does reinforce a simplistic, Manichean perspective.

That may not have been the filmmakers’ intentions at all — and as I’ve mentioned, they did have a lot on their plate, since Argo is a very ambitious film, with plenty of inherent difficulties just trying to get the normal filmmaking aspects right. But politics and humanitarian concerns do matter. Does the American public really need another movie that tells us to be afraid of Middle Easterners? Does a movie that makes the action sequences flashy and exciting but obscures the hard work of diplomacy (which ultimately got far more hostages out than this “caper’ did) benefit our national psyche? Is it healthy for us to hold up images of Cold War CIA agents as selfless do-gooders? And when Iran is constantly lied about by politicians and media pundits, and there’s a very real possibility that Israel or the U.S. could attack Iran militarily, is this movie going to help or is it going to harm?

I’m not sure of the world views of Chris Terrio, who is making his feature film writing debut here. But in his script, Affleck’s character points out to a roomful of CIA agents that in winter there is snow in Iran — thus shaming them for their ignorance of basic facts about the country. (Ignorance some of our media still have to this day.) Albert Einstein said that “Those who have the privilege to know have the duty to act.” I think this filmmaking team does know. Why should their smart and entertaining film have more of a conscience than others in Hollywood have? Because they are an extremely intelligent, perceptive, and talented bunch, and for those to whom much is given, of them much is required.

A Separation

Still of Leila Hatami and Peyman Moadi in “A Separation”

Anyone who sees Argo should make sure they wash it down with an antidote: an Iranian film which came out on DVD this fall and which counteracts all the negative influences of Argo. To say that Asghar Farhadi’s film A Separation is highly acclaimed is an understatement. The movie won the the 2011 Berlin Film Festival Golden Bear International Jury prize; the Oscar, Golden Globe, Independent Spirit, Critics Choice, National Board of Review, National Society of Film Critics (NSFC), Online Film Critics Society, Chicago Film Critics, London Critics Circle (ALFS), and France’s Cesar awards for Best Foreign Language Film. Its direction was lauded at the Fajr Film Festival in Iran, the International Film Festival of India, the Asian Film Awards, and the Chlotrudis Society for Independent Film; its screenplay garnered an Oscar nomination and took home trophies from the NSFC, ALFS, L.A. Film Critics, the Durban Film Festival and the Fajr; and its cast received prizes from Fajr, Berlin, and London. And so forth.

Like Affleck’s film, A Separation has conflicts between people spiraling out of control. But Argo wraps things up in a bow, since the Americans all got home to read bedtime stories to their kids — we’re not to consider that the next eight years turned into a devastating war between Iraq and Iran, covertly fueled by the U.S. (in violation of U.N. Security Resolution 522). There is no closure in A Separation, however; no right solution.

Farhadi’s screenplay shows how separations develop between people — and while Argo just accepts them, A Separation laments them. The title refers to the first, and central separation, the physical one between Nader and Simin, a husband and wife (beautifully played by Peyman Moadi and Leila Hatami). If the film had focused only on that it still would have had a Kramer vs. Kramer -like pathos, since it is clear that 11-year old Termeh (Sarina Farhadi, the director’s daughter) loves both of her parents, even when she is mad at her mother. But it also deals with the separation between the genders, one that is exacerbated by religious doctrines and traditions: Razieh, a housekeeper/caregiver, is hired to watch over Nader’s elderly father, and she frets a great deal that it is improper for her to be alone with a man. The film also deals with the separation between the classes, and how lack of money means lack of options, fueling a family’s sense of desperation and mistreatment. And there is the rift of distrust that grows between the two couples, the employers and their employee — suspicions of elder abuse and theft on one side; accusations of physical assault leading to miscarriage on the other. Finally, there are gulfs between the couples based on religious and cultural differences: Simin and Nader follow the laws but they have no enthusiasm for it. Simin is a more liberated kind of Iranian woman, she is studying to be a teacher, she tries to get her daughter out of Iran, she instigates the separation from Nader, and though she has to wear the head-scarf by law, she is one of many Iranian women who dresses to express personal freedom as much as she can. By contrast, Razieh (in a deeply felt performance by Sareh Bayat) wears the plain, long, black chador, is careful to consult religious strictures at every turn, worries a lot, and is deferential to her husband. The lower-income couple even questions the more affluent couple’s belief in God, since they are clearly not as pious.

Though both have a suspense thriller feel, the biggest difference between Affleck’s film and Farhadi’s is that A Separation does not unfold the way we might expect. The plotting is so expertly carried out that it keeps us guessing all the way through — the mystery expands with emotional and philosophical revelations that continually surprise and move, and we are amazed at how differently we have come to see the characters. Ultimately, instead of uncovering murderers, A Separation uncovers human nature. Though we think we’ve discovered domestic abuse by one of the husbands, it turns out there are no villains.

Each family is chiefly concerned with the welfare of their daughter — it’s clearly a patriarchal society, but the film has a great deal of empathy towards women and girls. It elevates the tender or feminine side of men, too: Nader is close with Termeh, they race each other up the stairs and work on her homework together. He is also a sweet caregiver to his glassy-eyed father, who is stricken with Alzheimer’s. In fact, it is his loyalty to his father, who cannot be moved from their apartment, that makes him unwilling to leave Iran — and it is that refusal which causes his wife to file for separation. A Separation is a wise and subtle tragedy full of impossible choices.

One of the themes seems to be how easy it is for people to harm each other, even without malevolent intent. The housekeeper’s young daughter is left unsupervised with the old man, and she plays with the dial on his oxygen pump (she’s too young to realize what she’s doing). Like many Iranian films, A Separation stems from a simple story and ordinary situations, yet leads to intense strum und drang. The takeaway of the film, perhaps, is how unnecessary it all is. Even in the midst of the feud, pre-pubescent Termeh naturally starts playing with Razieh’s small child out in the yard. The children would be friends if only the two families weren’t pressing charges against each other.

It is election season, and a recent election event shows how important it really is for films to avoid the trends of political misinformation. Though Arkin and Goodman are a great comedic duo in Argo, they’ve got nothing on the vaudeville act of Berman and Sherman.

Because of redistricting and the new “top-two” primary rule in California’s elections, Berman and Sherman, currently both Democratic members of Congress, are now competing in the general election to represent the 30th district, a seat currently held by Rep. Brad Sherman — up until now, Rep. Howard Berman’s seat had been in the 28th district. During a debate at Pierce College in the San Fernando Valley on Oct. 11th, the duo spent most of an increasingly heated hour calling each other liars and other epithets. It all came to an explosive climax when they stood almost nose-to-nose and seemed about to wrestle. Sherman aggressively gripped Berman’s shoulder and challenged him “You want to get into this?”, causing pandemonium to break out in the packed hall and an intervention from the Sheriff.

And yet, despite their bitter animosity and repeated attempts to show how different they were from each other, they were in total lockstep on one thing: Iran.

Both jumped up to swear how dangerous they consider the Iranian regime to be, to warn that it could give a nuclear bomb to terrorists, and to aver how important it is for the U.S. to stop Iran’s “nuclear program”. Their only dispute on the issue was over which one of them had a more aggressive record in pursuing sanctions against Iran.

It is very sad to see such Orwellian groupthink being ladled out at an institution of higher learning. Most of the crowd loved both Berman and Sherman talking tough about Iran, and seemed blissfully unaware that there’s no evidence that Iran is actually working on a nuclear weapon, according to both U.S. intelligence and the International Atomic Energy Agency.

The students were apparently also unaware (though one would think Sherman or Berman would have been briefed) that Iran’s right to pursue nuclear energy for peaceful purposes is guaranteed by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Nuclear power, though it may be undesirable from an environmental safety standpoint, is supposed to be the reward for signatories to the NPT vowing to abstain from nuclear weapons. Instead, U.S. policy tends to make a mockery of the NPT, since we side with countries who don’t sign and actually obtain nuclear weapons — if they are Israel or India, say. We even help India with its nuclear energy needs, though it’s not supposed to enjoy that privilege.

None of this came up in the Sherman/Berman boxing match, even though Berman made a point of excusing his vote in favor of the Iraq War by asserting that, at the time, he believed Iraq had WMDs. Yes, and perhaps the reason you believed that was because politicians lied about Iraq’s WMDs. Are we really going to do it all over again? In the immortal words of George W. Bush: Fool me once, shame on … shame on you. Fool me — a fool can’t get fooled again. A nice sentiment, but he got even that wrong. The WMD accusations against Iran sound an awful lot like Iraq Redux; apparently plenty of people can get fooled again.

Still of Peyman Moadi and Sareh Bayat in “A Separation”

…………………………………………………………………..
Argo is not much help in this situation. However, if you want to help prevent military action against Iran, try spreading some wisdom by sharing a copy of A Separation with people you know.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Jennifer Epps is an environmentalist and a peace, social justice, and animal activist in L.A. She has also been a scriptwriter, stage director, film producer, actor, puppeteer, and film critic.

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The “great” John Updike: was he really that great? A reassessment

From the ARCHIVES—by way of wsws.org:

wsws.org.  Penned by David Walsh, of course. —PG

_______

Novelist John Updike dead at 76: Was he a “great novelist”?
By David Walsh | 29 January 2009


American novelist John Updike died January 27 in Danvers, Massachusetts, at the age of 76. The cause of death was cancer.

A major figure in American literature for the past half-century (his first full-length novel, The Poorhouse Fair, appeared in 1959), Updike published more than 60 works—novels, collections of short stories, volumes of essays, art criticism and more.

Many tributes have appeared in the short time since his death, and the writer is certainly worthy of serious consideration. It would be preferable, however, if the commentary were somewhat more thoughtful and sober. Repeated claims along the lines that Updike was “the greatest novelist writing in English,” “one of the greatest American novelists of the 20th century,” “our time’s greatest man of letters” and so forth tend to obscure the man and his work rather than shed much light. What makes a “great novelist”?

A writer is not simply the sum total of his literary gifts. Updike undoubtedly possessed those in abundance, and all of his novels contain passages, pages or more in which he exhibited a great ability to transform intricate human behavior and details of social life and nature into language. He had a truly remarkable eye and ear, and a deep feeling for what words had done in the past and could do.
However, a great writer must also have, in some fashion or other, “great” things to say. Not necessarily in the form of a single major theme or subject, but some sharper, distinctive insight, even if only partially conscious, into his or her times and contemporaries. Of course, Updike paid attention to social and political development in America, and, particularly later in his career, commented on various aspects of modern life: changes in values, the “sexual revolution,” the radicalism of the 1960s, feminism, the cultural wasteland that much of America had become and so forth.

But his purchase on these and other developments remained narrow, shaped by his upbringing and the intellectual framework established in postwar America. He described himself in 1988 as “a product of nearly forty years of the Cold War.” And an all-too uncritical product, in my opinion, who accepted at face value many of the self-serving arguments of the US establishment, including “the idea that communism represented a threat to American democracy, the sense that Americans were competing with a dangerous superpower for global supremacy…[the notion] that the communist system is antithetical to the basic right of individual freedom,” as D. Quentin Miller suggests in John Updike and the Cold War: Drawing the Iron Curtain.

While Updike rummaged widely and provocatively through American life, finding much to dislike or criticize, his vision of things rarely went beyond those circumscribed limits. As the article below suggests, Updike came of age during a period of cultural regression in the US, at the height of the anti-communist purges, which made a left-wing critique of American life far more inaccessible. His own small-town, Protestant, lower middle class, rather smug background (for which Miller claims he always maintained “a painful longing”) and psychological predisposition made him vulnerable to the prevailing orthodoxies.

The need to bend the truth, avoid certain realities, above all, not look too probingly at America’s social foundations affected his art, deflecting it and blunting it. In the more than 20 novels, there is far too much waste, secondary material, running in place, even showing off. As well, frankly, there is a good deal of mean-spiritedness directed toward those who fall outside of or reject Updike’s limited middle-class American universe.

In the end, his remarkable literary gifts and intelligence, his acute ability to see through certain subterfuges and stratagems, at least within private relations, served to conceal from the majority of his readership and perhaps himself the greater failings.

That being said, it is a mistake on the part of anyone who wants to know something about American life and the American psyche in the last 50 years to avoid John Updike’s work. He is generally interesting, often very amusing and sometimes insightful. His best writing was probably invested in the Rabbit Angstrom series, as noted below, especially Rabbit Run (1960) and Rabbit at Rest (1990). The Centaur is also recommended.

In 2006, the WSWS reviewed Updike’s novel, Terrorist, which would turn out to be his second to last. We are reposting the comment here, because it offers a brief overview and assessment of the writer’s career.
* * *
John Updike’s Terrorist
By David Walsh
25 August 2006

John Updike, Terrorist, New York, Alfred A. Knopf 2006, 310 pp.

Terrorist by American novelist John Updike is poorly conceived and unconvincingly written. It tells the story of a New Jersey teenager, Ahmad Mulloy-Ashmawy, the son of a long-absent Egyptian father and an Irish-American mother, who has chosen Islamic righteousness, “the Straight Path,” in the face of American decay and corruption.

Updike sets his 22nd novel in the city of New Prospect, a fictionalized Paterson (home to a large Arab-American population), a depressed industrial town in northern New Jersey. While Ahmad is ostensibly the central figure in the novel, he is strangely static and passive, stiffly reiterating at every opportunity his devotion to the “true faith” and excoriating American moral laxness.
Around him circle more active characters: his mother, Terry Mulloy, a nurse and amateur painter; his black fellow high school student, Joryleen Grant, for whom Ahmad has suppressed feelings; Shaikh Rashid, his spiritual teacher at a second-floor mosque situated “above a nail salon and a check-cashing facility”; his eventual boss, Charlie Chehab, at Excellency Home Furnishings; and, perhaps most significantly, the world-weary Jack Levy, Ahmad’s high school guidance counselor.

A struggle for Ahmad’s soul, more or less, takes place between Levy (linked, implausibly, to the Secretary of Homeland Security through his wife’s sister, the assistant to the secretary) and the Yemeni imam, Shaikh Rashid, who introduces him to a jihadist terror cell in New Jersey. In the end, Updike’s simplistic schema bears far too much resemblance to the Bush doctrine in which, on a world and national scale, “there is no neutral ground between good and evil.”

Apart from the author’s vivid portraits of New Prospect’s tawdriness and decline, and even those need to be considered critically, not much in the book stands up. Ahmad is thoroughly unlikely as a human being. Updike’s forewarning that “the boy speaks with a pained stateliness” is not sufficient to convince us that any American-born 18-year-old carries on like this (in a conversation with Levy): “I am the product of a white American mother and an Egyptian exchange student; they met while both studied at the New Prospect campus of the State University of New Jersey…. My father well knew that marrying an American citizen, however trashy and immoral she was, would gain him American citizenship, and so it did, but not American know-how, nor the network of acquaintance that leads to American prosperity. Having despaired of ever earning more than a menial living by the time I was three, he decamped. Is that the correct word?” This is very weakly done and places Updike in a bad light.

Foolish and unreliable as well is the actual course of the narrative. Ahmad’s transformation into a would-be terrorist fails every test. Yes, he has taken to a strict version of Islam, and much in American life disgusts him, the imam has become something of a father figure to him, and, yes, he is psychically and sexually at odds with the world around him—but these elements, by themselves, cannot possibly account for such a potentially homicidal trajectory.

Updike leaves out of account two critical sets of facts and does so because of his own conservative social outlook. First, the ability of an individual or individuals, like Timothy McVeigh or the Columbine high school killers, to commit deliberate mayhem on his or their fellow human beings bespeaks an increasingly callous and alienating society. The type of calculated mass murder that Updike pretends to imagine can only emerge from a deeply diseased social organism.

As a defender, in the final analysis, of American capitalist society (although not its citizens), Updike will admit of no such state of affairs. While physical decline abounds in Terrorist, there is no indication that the author perceives any great upheaval in ordinary human relationships. The various figures carry on, as they have in Updike’s novels for decades, in their normal chaotic, erotic and messy fashion. History leaves that untouched. Insofar as Updike imagines a change, it is largely a function of the growth in clichéd thuggishness, exemplified by Joryleen’s boy friend and future pimp, Tylenol Jones (“His mother … saw the name in a television commercial for painkiller and liked the sound of it,” Updike sneeringly writes), or equally clichéd cynicism (Jack Levy, above all).

Second, and a related phenomenon, the novelist more or less separates out Ahmad’s seamless willingness to take part in a terrorist plot from any questions of US policies in the Middle East. While others occasionally refer to Iraq and Palestine, including Charlie Chehab, who is not what he at first appears to be, Ahmad hardly ever does.

This is in keeping with the arguments of various right-wing pundits that Islamic fundamentalist terrorism has nothing to do with predatory US foreign policy over the course of decades and stems, rather, from a long-standing “clash of civilizations.” Updike, as a supporter presumably of the “global war on terror,” goes along with this unsustainable reasoning. He met with widespread and deserved opprobrium in the late 1960s for his support of Lyndon Johnson and the war in the Vietnam.

In an interview with Charles McGrath of the New York Times, the novelist observed that he originally contemplated creating “a young seminarian who sees everyone around him as a devil trying to take away his faith…. The 21st century does look like that, I think, to a great many people in the Arab world…. I think I felt I could understand the animosity and hatred which an Islamic believer would have for our system.”

Of course, the purely religious matters are an issue, but Updike conveniently (and condescendingly) abstracts from the equation the rage felt in the Arab and Muslim world for the real machinations of imperialism, the US in the forefront, which oppresses and brutalizes countless millions. The heinous terrorist acts of September 11, 2001, cannot be condoned, but they can be explained. One must say that Updike abandoned a serious attempt to account for them before he began his book.

The writer’s decision to include a quasi-sympathetic portrait of the Secretary for Homeland Security (hickish, bumbling, sincere) is simply disgraceful. Updike has his character declare, “My trouble i s…I love this damn country so much I can’t imagine why anybody would want to bring it down. What do these people have to offer instead? More Taliban—more oppression of women, more blowing up statues of Buddha.” Later, the novel argues that the Secretary’s task “is to protect in spite of itself a nation of nearly three hundred million anarchic souls.” The real directors of Homeland Security operations in the US, contrary to this fairy-tale, are in the business of substituting a police-state for constitutional rule.

In the same interview with McGrath, Updike perhaps lets one of the cats out of the bag. Discussing the brief love affair between Ahmad’s mother and the school guidance counselor, he remarks, “I was happy—because there was so much shaky ground in the writing of this novel—when Jack began to hit on Terry Mulloy…. I felt I was in a scene I could handle. That little romance was very real—to me, at least. I liked those two because they’re normal, godless, cynical but amiable modern people.”

Updike is quite right. The scenes of the two middle-aged lovers are the most relatively convincing in Terrorist, and come largely as a relief.

The writer’s difficulties with terrorism and politics occur within a broader context: his inability to come to terms in a profound manner with contemporary American social reality. The overriding sentiment conveyed by Updike, intentionally or otherwise, in his imagining of New Prospect, New Jersey, is disgust for the population.

The novelist is unsparing, and so he should be, in describing the physical circumstances in which the town’s inhabitants live. Images of urban decay abound. The high school building, for example, “rich in scars and crumbling asbestos…sits on the edge of a wide lake of rubble.” This latter phrase, “lake of rubble,” is repeated numerous times; in fact, various locales are identified by their proximity to it.

As Ahmad and Joryleen walk along in one scene, the “neighborhood grows shaggier around them; bushes are untended, houses unpainted, sidewalk squares in places tilted and cracked by tree roots underneath; the little front yards are speckled with litter. The rows of houses lack a few, like teeth knocked out, the gaps fenced in but the thick chain-link fencing cut and twisted….” Updike notes the “asphalt avenue…with its patched and repatched potholes and the tarry swales created by the constant weight of rushing cars and trucks….” Jack Levy bitterly sees an America “paved solid with fat and tar, a coast-to-coast tarbaby where we’re all stuck.”

Updike is quite right to be appalled by much of what he sees. There is an awfulness, a material and spiritual poverty, affixed to so much of American life, and no one ought to conceal the fact. However, who and what are responsible for this state of affairs?

In Updike, the revulsion at the physical deterioration bleeds into a repugnance with the population itself. The high school teachers are said to be “scuttling after school into their cars on the crackling, trash-speckled parking lots like pale crabs or dark ones restored to their shells.” This image of animal- or insect-like creatures recurs in the book’s final paragraph, with its reference to Manhattan pedestrians “all reduced by the towering structures around them to the size of insects, but scuttling, hurrying, intent in the milky morning sun upon some plan or scheme or hope they are hugging to themselves, their reason for living another day, each impaled live upon the pin of consciousness, fixed upon self-advancement and self-preservation. That and only that.”

Considered individually, Terrorist’s cast of characters proves to be rather pitiable and contemptible as well: Ahmad, with his puerile, adolescent fanaticism; Joryleen, patronizingly treated by the author, who ends up a prostitute; the quasi-bohemian Terry, full of delusions about her painting; Jack, who has come to the conclusion “that people stink,” and that he himself gives off a “stale aroma,” and so on. For all his verbal skill, it should be added, Updike here is largely working off stereotypes.

The author has chosen not to imbue his portrait of a decrepit, hollowed-out and rudderless community with any sense of protest. The often hostile tone the work assumes toward its human figures draws one on to the ineluctable conclusion that the fault for the mess lies with them, these scurrying, selfish, odorous beings. What sort of world could one expect such people to create? Apparently they deserve the cluttered, uncultured, ugly America they get.

In his gloominess about his fellow Americans, or at least a good portion of them, Updike has reached a sorry pass. This has consequences for his art. The work’s more or less happy conclusion, Ahmad’s “seeing the light,” as it were, with Jack Levy’s assistance, is rendered impossibly flimsy and implausible by everything that has gone on before. Divine intervention perhaps? Updike is a believer, but he has hitherto rejected a directly religious presence in his work, arguing that “Fiction holds the mirror up to the world and cannot show more than this world contains.” And this world does not contain an adequate explanation for Ahmad’s trajectory.

In sum, Updike has gotten recent American life, including September 11 and its consequences, terribly wrong. Is it not a commentary on the state of the American intelligentsia, such as it is, that a leading man of letters (and Updike is that, whether one approves of his body of work or not) should be so dangerously mistaken about critical events?

Updike remains an enormously gifted writer. Very few Americans have ever put words together as effectively as he. However, an artist is not free to do as he or she pleases and works, in fact, under definite historical and historically shaped intellectual conditions. Updike, born in 1932, grew up in the small town of Shillington, Pennsylvania (near Reading in the southeastern part of the state), son of a high school science teacher and grandson of a Presbyterian minister, and came of age during the Cold War.
The need to champion the “free world” against “communism,” of course in a sophisticated and literate fashion, stayed with him. (His first novel, The Poorhouse Fair (1959), in part, is a rather mean-spirited attack on the welfare state and any attempt at “socializing” American life.) In Rabbit at Rest (1990), one of Updike’s finest books, his long-running character, Harry “Rabbit” Angstrom, remarks laconically, “Without the cold war, what’s the point of being an American?” (The comment, interestingly, was cited by Samuel Huntington, author of The Clash of Civilizations, in Foreign Affairs magazine in 1997.) However ironically intended, the words shed considerable light on Updike’s evolution.

On the basis of liberal anti-communism (“blacklists, congressional show trials and meaningless, redundant loyalty oaths for a time gave patriotism an ugly face,” he later wrote), Updike was able to explore “the whole mass of middling, hidden, troubled America” (his words) with some degree of honesty in novels such as Rabbit Run (1960) and The Centaur (1963). As the name of his most prominent character, “Angstrom,” suggests (“angst” = anxiety or apprehension), Updike, a lifelong churchgoer and student of Christian theology, was initially influenced by thinkers such as Søren Kierkegaard, the nineteenth-century melancholy Dane, and theologian Karl Barth.

As to the latter, a commentator writes, “The principal emphasis in Barth’s work…is on the sinfulness of humanity, God’s absolute transcendence, and the human inability to know God except through revelation. His objective was to lead theology away from the influence of modern religious philosophy back to the principles of the Reformation and the prophetic teachings of the Bible.” Not very attractive, and Updike weaned himself from Barth’s influence to a certain extent in middle age, while remaining a devout Protestant.

This is not the occasion for an in-depth accounting of Updike’s religious philosophy, if such an accounting be warranted. What strikes one most forcefully about the novelist’s “theological” concerns is the extent to which they form part of an overall cultural regression in the postwar period. Updike speaks of a certain “religious revival” in the 1950s, but such a phenomenon could only have taken place as part of a serious intellectual falling off, made possible in large measure by the purging of left-wing ideas from American cultural life.

After Twain, Mencken, Dreiser, early Dos Passos, Fitzgerald, early Hemingway, Sinclair Lewis (for all his limitations), Richard Wright of Native Son, the Harlem Renaissance members, and Steinbeck, O’Neill, Sherwood Anderson and Faulkner, for that matter, as well as other lesser figures, are we to arrive at this: “an unavoidable, unbearable, and unbelievable Sacred Presence,” which Updike believes we will find in his fiction; “the yearning for an afterlife [which]…is love and praise for the world we are privileged, in this complex interval of light, to witness and experience”; and the demand that we “examine everything for God’s fingerprints”? It’s the concentrated provincialism, self-limitation and, to be blunt, banality of many of the concerns that is most disturbing, and, in the end, has proven most harmful to Updike’s art.

Updike’s explorations of certain aspects of small-town, lower middle class American life in portions of the Rabbit Angstrom series are irreplaceable, as is his encounter with the surreal hideousness of Florida’s Gulf Coast in Rabbit at Rest (admittedly an easy target). However, and this is a great inadequacy, Updike has rarely been able to truly empathize with (and recreate artistically) anyone who does not resemble himself in important ways, in particular in his search for and belief in the “transcendent.” (This quality, in fact, is what saves Ahmad in Terrorist, unconvincingly.)

A thorough consideration of “middling, hidden, troubled America” would have required a far different, more critical starting point. In Rabbit Redux (1971), a contrived consideration of 1960s radicalism (one of Updike’s bête noires), Harry Angstrom announces that he has learned the US is not perfect; however, “Even as he says that he realizes he doesn’t believe it, any more than he believes at heart he will die.” The general acceptance of the status quo has had a paralyzing effect on the American literary arts and cinema over the past half-century.

In Updike, one sees a certain cultural process in concentrated form: the accumulation of great formal, technical skill at one pole, and the severe weakening of the artist’s understanding of history and social organization at the other.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
wsws.org are indeed lucky to have him as one of their own.

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Jay-Z’s “We Need Less Government” Quip Proves Harry Belafonte Right: He’s A Selfish Loon

A Black Agenda Radio Commentary by BAR managing editor Bruce A. Dixon

Belafonte: an exemplary life.

Back in August, [3] actor, singer and longtime humanitarian activist Harry Belafonte took Jay-Z, Beyonce and current black celebrities to task, declaring that they were selfish, lacking the vision of a better world or the will to help make it happen.

Beyonce’s staff of publicists were quick to reply with a list of tax deductible and officially approved charities that she funds. But to tell the truth, that kind of giving, the kind that often combines public charity, public relations and big tax advantages in roughly equal parts is pretty much an accounting and PR requirement for celebrity actors and athletes. It works like this — they’re going to pay taxes anyhow, at much higher rates than with so-called “investment income.” Divert that tax money into deductible charities, and it’s cash they would have paid out anyhow, but now it’s combined with photo opportunities and human interest stories showcasing their personal struggles and bolstering their brand, making them more money. That’s why her answer was no answer at all, it really proved what Belafonte said.

Beyonce and hubby Jay-Z are frequent guests at the White House. But Belafonte, and before him Paul Robeson went walking and talking among those organizing and demonstrating outside the White House, against big business, against the kind of established authority and privilege the Jay-Z’s and Beyonce’s of this generation are so delighted to be seen with. Dr. Martin Luther King was almost an outlaw, universally reviled and denounced throughout the corporate media the final year of his life, after he denounced the Vietnam war and linked the struggles against empire and economic injustice to that against racism. Harry Belafonte’s work with him, and Paul Robeson’s association with labor organizers and activists him didn’t carry tax advantages for either of them. They walked picket lines outside the courthouses and jails where activists were tried and imprisoned. They solicited their peers to fund strategy meetings, legal expenses for movement activists. Almost none of that was tax deductible, and much of it wasn’t public knowledge for years afterward.

That meant they did it out of selfless vision and love, and out of their own pockets, not to build their brands, lower their taxes or bolster their bank accounts. It cost Belafonte lots of money. It cost Muhammad Ali a year in prison. It cost Paul Robeson [4] his career. Look it up.

Back in the nineties somebody publicly told Michael Jordan that Nike paid him more than all its Vietnamese shoe factory workers put together. Michael said he’d “see about that” sometime soon but he and his publicists never mentioned it again. That was a long long decline from the unselfish humanitarian spirit of the Belefonte generation.

And the decline continues. Last week Jay-Z was asked at the opening of Barclays in New York about his own political aspirations. “I don’t even like the word politics, [5]” the rapper said. “It implies something underhanded. I think we need less government.”

This is a new low, perhaps two new lows.

First, Jay-Z cannot possibly be that stupid. The word politics does not imply anything. Politics are the processes fair and unfair, just and unjust that we humans use to conduct our collective affairs for the good or otherwise. When poor people mystify “politics” as something inscrutable and irrelevant to those who hunger and thirst for justice they indulge in escapism. When rich people do it they engage in misdirection.

Secondly, Jay-Z’s “we need less government” quip has long been a right wing staple, a codespeak slogan of the very rich and privileged who have in fact captured the government, but only object to “big government” when it benefits little people.

It’s proof positive that Harry Belafonte was right about Jay-Z and Beyonce. It’s time to look somewhere else for selfless visionaries among this generation’s celebrities.

For Black Agenda Radio I’m Bruce Dixon. Find us on the web at www.blackagendareport.com [6].

http://traffic.libsyn.com/blackagendareport/20121003_bd_jay-z_we_need_less_govt.mp3
[7]
ba radio commentary
Source URL: http://blackagendareport.com/content/jay-zs-%E2%80%9Cwe-need-less-government%E2%80%9D-quip-proves-harry-belafonte-right-hes-selfish-loon

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AN INTERVIEW WITH JESUS

•••

Just a transcript of the logs from the St. Matthew the Evangelist Show (SMtE)

SMtE: Thanks for coming on the St. Matthew the Evangelist Show, Jesus. I know you’re a busy man so let’s get right to it. You probably know of the great income disparity in the world today. What would you tell those who call themselves ‘Christians’ to do about it?

J :    Go and sell what you own and give the money to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven. 19:21

SMtE:  Gee, I don’t hear any televangelist saying that. That’s a pretty hard thing to do, give all your money to the poor. No wonder
there aren’t that many true Christians.

J :    Many are called but few are chosen. 22: 14 The harvest is rich, but laborers are few. 9:37

SMtE:  But you’re saying the opposite of what our consumer culture is telling us, that we should be as rich as we possibly can.

J:     You can’t serve both God and money. 6:24 You must worship God and serve him alone. 4:10

SMtE:  So you’re saying we shouldn’t want to be rich, huh?

J:     I tell you truly, it will be hard for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God. 19:23 It is a narrow gate and a hard road that leads
to life, and only a few find it. 7: 14 Many who are first will be last, and the last, first. 19:30

SMtE: Yikes, it sounds like there are a lot of rich and famous people we won’t be seeing in the hereafter. What would you tell the Occupy Wall St. folks, who are protesting the inequalities of our economic and political system?

J:     Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for justice. 5:6

SMtE:  But they’re getting beat up by the police!

J:     Blessed are those who are persecuted in the cause of righteousness. 5:10  Don’t be afraid of those who can kill the body, but not kill the spirit. 10: 28

SMtE:  But they’ll haul them off to court to face a judge. What then?

J:     Don’t worry about how to speak or what to say, because it is not you who will be speaking. The Holy Spirit will be speaking through you. 10:19, 20

SMtE: But you’re facing a court of law.

J:    The weightier matters of the Law are justice, mercy and faithfulness. 23: 23

SMtE:  Golly, I’m not sure they teach that even in Christian law schools! I gotta tell ya, the police state and all, sometimes I get
scared, not for myself but for my kids and grandkids.

J:     Don’t worry about tomorrow. Tomorrow will take care of itself. 6:34

SMtE:  Yeah, but it’s still a little scary.

J:    Why are you frightened, oh ye of little faith? 8: 26

SMtE: Well, okay, I admit I’m a little lacking there.

J:     Don’t be afraid. 17:7 If your faith was the size of a mustard seed, nothing would be impossible. 17:20

SMtE: Do you think we should be going to church more?

J:     When you pray, go to your private room and pray to your Father,  who is in that secret place. 6:6

SMtE: The churches are telling people to be critical of abortion, contraception, gays, and all things pubic. What would you tell them?

J:     Do not judge and you will not be judged, because the judgments you give are the judgments you will get, and the amount you measure out is the amount you will be given. 7: 1, 2 That is how my heavenly Father will deal with you, unless you forgive your brothers and sisters from your heart. 18:35

SMtE:  There are a lot of people making huge sacrifices for those causes. What do you want from them?

J:     What I want is mercy, not sacrifice. 9: 13

SMtE:  But what our priests and preachers and televangelists are saying is so opposite to that!

J:     Beware of false prophets! 7: 15 The tree can be told by its fruit. 12: 34 It is not those who say ‘Lord, Lord’ who will enter the
kingdom, but the person who does the will of my Father in heaven. 7:21

SMtE:  Have you been reading about pedophiles in the clergy recently?

J:     Unless you change and become like little children, you will never enter the kingdom of God. 18: 3 Never despise any of these
little ones. Their angels in heaven are continually in the presence of my Father. 18:10

SMtE:  What do you think of free speech? Does anything go?

J:     By your words you will be acquitted, and by your words condemned. 12: 37 The things that come out of the mouth come from the heart, and it is these that make a person unclean. 15:18

SMtE:  You probably know what’s happening between the US and Iran today. What words of wisdom would you give Americans to meet this crisis?

J:     Always treat others as you would like them to treat you. 7: 12  Do not be afraid. 14:28

SMtE:  Fair enough, but what will we tell the Zionists who are goading us into a war?

J:     Hypocrites! It was you Isaiah meant when he so rightly prophesied: This people honors me only with lip-service, while their
hearts are far from me. 15: 7,8

SMtE:  Is there anything you’d like to say to us to wrap things up?

J:     O, faithless and perverse generation! 17:17 What does it gain for a person to win the world and lose his soul? And what will a
person offer in exchange for her soul? 16:26 You are all brothers and sisters. 23: 8

SMtE:  Gosh, why is it that humans just can’t seem to get things straight?

J:     The worries of this world and the deceitfulness of wealth choke the word. 13: 22

SMtE:  Hey, I gotta tell ya that this has been great, and probably wonderful for the show’s ratings. Thanks a lot.

J:     Where your treasure is, there will your heart be also. 6: 21
___________

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Charles Rayner Kelly is a retired educator, a philosopher and a novelist. Among his novels is LITTLE POOR MAN The Story of St. Francis of Assisi

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