The Warsaw Walkout and the Climate Movement

How It Succeeded and Why It May Fail
by ALEXANDER REID ROSS
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The story is now part of climate history. Yesterday, as climate talks degraded into a sideshow for the coal industry, more than 800 conference participants walked out. Wearing T-shirts adorned with the word, Volveremos (We will return), the activists handed in their registration badges and abandoned the United Nations Climate Change Summit. The conference is sliding into its last day like a baseball player who doesn’t realize he was tagged out at third base. But what difference does it make?

If Oxfam, Greenpeace, and a couple dozen other NGOs and nonprofits walk out of a conference that was obviously farcical to begin with, is anything actually accomplished? One glance at the fossil fuel funders of COP 19 would raise the question: What were these groups really doing there in the first place?

The popular narrative, repeated by credible journalists and activists, points to the Warsaw Walkout as the first of its kind within the broader global climate discussion. By walking out, the groups involved exposed the problems with the process. However, heightened protests both within and outside of the Conference of Parties meetings have gone on for years. At COP 15 in Copenhagen, between 200-500 delegates walked out of the talks as a bike bloc flooded the streets amongst massive “blue” and “green” blocs of protestors penetrated police barricades to join the delegates. Upwards of 100,000 protestors marched in the streets of “Hopenhagen” during COP 15, including campesinos, indigenous peoples, environmentalists, and social justice activists. They were met with brutal police repression—unjustified raids, mass arrests, and border closures.

Lumumba Di-Aping, Chairman of the G77 delegation at COP 15, stated, “it has become clear that the Danish presidency—in the most undemocratic fashion—is advancing the interests of the developed countries at the expense of the balance of obligations between developed and developing countries.” Mainstream media closed out the talks as though Obama had snatched victory from the jaws of defeat after the US and China struck a last-minute agreement. But the deal was defeated by the larger conference, and largely viewed as a power-play. The bamboozled populous was summed up by the disenchanted slogan, “Hopenhagen: What the Fuck!?”

The Long Road to Warsaw

To be absolutely clear, beyond exposing the climate talks as a sham (a task perhaps better executed by simple non-involvement), the COP 15 walk out had little-to-no lasting effect. Like 350.org’s no Keystone XL campaign, it was all sound and fury signifying nothing: large publicity-grabbing actions were held, but when faced with political stagnation, the higher-ups declared victory and the grassroots action was reallocated. The bureaucrats higher up the ladder make the call, and their networks follow in formation.

“The real hooligans are the CEOs of fossil fuel companies." —Kumi Naidoo, Greenpeace

“The real hooligans are the CEOs of fossil fuel companies.” —Kumi Naidoo, Greenpeace

In the case of climate negotiations, the portentous rift between the protestors and G77 on one hand and the powerful, developed countries on the other was succored back together by stop-gap compromises and lies after Copenhagen. The next year in Cancun, the Conference of Parties talks went surprisingly smoothly. As opposed to Copenhagen, where the entire African Group walked out of the conference to protest economic injustice, COP 16 saw almost total collaboration. Bolivia stood alone in opposition against the general trajectory of the climate talks, as the internal opposition became absorbed into the image of REDD agreements. COP 17 the following year in Durban, South Africa, seemed to continue the sentiments of Cancun.

The next year, at COP 18 in Doha, the Philippines’ negotiator interrupted the log-rolling with a heart rendering plea: “I appeal to the whole world, I appeal to leaders from all over the world, to open our eyes to the stark reality that we face. I appeal to ministers. The outcome of our work is not about what our political masters want. It is about what is demanded of us by 7 billion people.

“I appeal to all, please, no more delays, no more excuses. Please, let Doha be remembered as the place where we found the political will to turn things around. Please, let 2012 be remembered as the year the world found the courage to find the will to take responsibility for the future we want. I ask of all of us here, if not us, then who? If not now, then when? If not here, then where?””

His admonitions fell on deaf ears.

A Broken Movement

Typhoon Haiyan marked the cruel irony of the COP tragicomedy, as proceedings opened in Warsaw to the worst recorded natural disaster in the Philippines’ history. In a significant display, Naderev Sano with the Philippines’ delegation, began a fast after the typhoon to encourage immediate and meaningful steps through COP 19. Circumstances in Poland also hinted at the farcical nature of the conference. Scandalously, the two-day International Coal and Climate Summit convened in Warsaw as the climate talks went underway, and the UNFCCC chief Christiana Figueres gave the keynote speech, prompting Greenpeace activists to drop a banner from the Ministry of Economy stating, “Who rules Poland? Coal industry or the people?”

In a shocking move, Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk waited until immediately after the coal summit was over—right in the middle of the climate summit—to fire the environmental minister of Poland, Marcin Korolec, in an obvious gesture towards increasing resource extraction. Korolec was still expected to chair the climate negotiations in spite of his new career path.

The shambolic display of industrial false solutions and international skullduggery exceeded even Poland’s terrible performance. Australia’s participation in the conference came on the heels of a nation-wide protest, in which an estimated 60,000 protestors jammed public spaces around the country to protest anti-climate policies. Australia remains the worst carbon emitter per capita, and have fought emissions standards tooth-and-nail.

Home of the groundbreaking Kyoto accords, Japan now resides around fifth worst in carbon rankings, and shows no sign of recovery. In fact, Japan received heavy criticism for drastically scaling down its emissions targets just before the climate talks began. Ironically, one of Japan’s heaviest critics was Su Wei, deputy chief of the Chinese delegation to the climate talks, who declared, “I don’t have any words to describe my dismay.”

Coming out of the Warsaw conference, China is liberalizing both its land and environmental regulations, making it easier for markets to “regulate” pollution, and for corporations to grab public lands. China must do something about the environmental conditions, since pollution-caused “group events” involving tens of thousands of raging protestors have reached epidemic proportions throughout the country. While China’s new reforms may cut back on some forms of pollution, the loosening up of old Communist-era land rights, which theoretically grant collective ownership to rural lands, may enhance accumulation of capital at the expense of regional employment by increasing dependency on foreign resources—much like the steady trend of de-employment and “quality of life” projects in the US since the late 1970s (also known as gentrification or accumulation by dispossession).

Picking Up the Pieces

Barring a miracle of contemporary protest organizing, coal will continue to be steady flowing from Australia and New Zealand, as well as the US—if, that is, companies are able to suppress widespread public outcry from the Powder River Basin where the coal is mined in Montana to Coastal Pacific Northwest, where terminals are being proposed. In the meantime, agreements like REDD that pretend to sponsor sustainable forestry policies enable palm oil plantations to spread wings of destruction across Malaysia and Indonesia. The smoke from forest clearances for palm plantations has drawn the ire of Singapore, among other places, who blame the monoculture for their terrible air quality. And the palm plantations are metastasizing throughout the world, speared on by corporations from Scandanavia to the US to South Korea.

By all means, the Warsaw Walkout must be seen as a step in the right direction. It also coincides with other important global actions, like the drafting of the strongly-worded Calabar Statement, signed by 21 important land rights organizations operating in Africa. At the same time, the rift between civil society and the Global South on one hand and the North on the other is becoming more elastic. As the past few years have shown, COP meetings in the Global South meet less resistance, while the meetings held in the North meet higher levels of civil unrest. This is not to say that the North keeps the promises it makes, but perhaps that it is forced to make more promises when playing on the other side’s home turf and then races back to Europe when called to account.

What remains to be seen, however, is how civil society organizations who walked out of the COP 19 will organize beyond climate collaborationism. If their strategy is to sign up for big conferences, and then walk out to expose the fraud, then we’re all doomed. How many of them will go back to the table next year? How long before the symbolic rejection of the industrial status quo moves into systemic and unceasing methods of resistance? It is here that climate activists stand as inheritors of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising—not through some singular action, but as constant rebels against the ongoing Holocaust (literally, Great Fire) that continues to annihilate the world as we know it, as well as the possibility for the survival of humanity into the next generation.

Alexander Reid Ross is a co-founding moderator of the Earth First! Newswire and editor of the forthcoming anthology Grabbing Back: Articles Against the Global Land Grab (AK Press 2014). He is also a contributor to Life During Wartime: Resisting Counterinsurgency (AK Press 2013).

This article is also being published at the Earth First! Newswire.




The Oligarchy vs. Planet Earth

The Biological Structure Called “Humankind” has Gone Haywire
by PETER BELMONT

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The biological structure called “humankind” has gone haywire. Keep reading.

Humankind faces several large problems or catastrophes of human origin. Most dreadful is CLIMATE CHANGE, about which we (“humankind”) are essentially doing nothing.

Various political problems are also more or less catastrophic, if for fewer people: my eye (for my own reasons) is always on the Israel-Palestine-Arab-Iran problem, always a disaster for someone and always getting worse. The world’s and each nation’s or region’s economy seem always balancing precariously with a tilt toward disaster. Meanwhile, the world’s population keeps growing as if all were well.

These problems are aggravated and exacerbated, or far worse, by the demise of governance “as if people mattered.” Some of these problems—such as the banking crisis of 2008— are, doubtless, caused in large part by bad governance.

”Democracy” has become little more than a mere word, a slogan, a bumper-sticker, as it has slipped away from naming a functional reality.

What has “democracy” (or the lack thereof) got to do with policy-making on, say, climate change?

Making the switch to green energy would be enormously difficult EVEN if people were well informed and democracy were functional. But they are not and it is not. The reason is “oligarchy”. Think “Citizens United.” Oligarchy is governance by and for the “BIGs”—BIG-OIL, BIG-DEFENCE, BIG-PHARMA, BIG-BANKS, BIG-HEALTH-CARE, and my old hobby-horse, BIG-ZION.

My “take” is that our government and the mainstream media are “occupied territory”, roughly, “wholly-owned subsidiaries” of the BIGs, the oligarchs, the several big-money interests, who/which allow popular democracy to take effect only on matters of no interest to themselves (or as to matters, if any, on which the oligarchs are, among themselves, in opposing balance).

The BIGs include individuals such as the Koch brothers, but consist mostly of big corporations and big banks, big hedge funds, big pension funds, and the like. They run America and much of the world. “The People”, as such, do not. Not on the important stuff.

I used the term “occupied territory” above to describe the USA’s political system. As that term suggests, America’s policy as to Israel, Palestine, Iran, etc., has long been controlled by AIPAC and its allies (together, BIG-ZION), against no discernible opposition from among the other BIGs, and the USA follows a strict pro-hard-line-Israel policy. (President Obama is trying to break away from that line as to war with Iran but succumbs entirely as to Israel/Palestine.) What the people would think or feel if fully informed is of no consequence. People are not “big”. Even taken together, “The People” are not a “BIG”. And they are not, in any case, well informed. The “occupied” media take care of that.

On energy-policy, the USA follows the line of BIG-FOSSIL-FUELS. Hard to make the switch (it would be difficult anyhow) to green energy when the BIGs oppose the switch (apparently without demur among themselves).

If BIG-INSURANCE and BIG-DEFENSE (or any other coalition of sufficiently big BIGs) opposed BIG-OIL on climate change, matters might be different, but it appears that there is no significant pressure among the (non-OIL) BIGs to get “off” fossil fuels.

The danger to the world of the oligarchy (rule by the BIGs that I described above) is not due to the fact of rule-by-bigs as opposed to rule-by-democracy. After all, “the people” are not so smart, and benevolent dictatorship always seems imaginable.

No, the danger to the world is that the BIGs do not care about the human future—their interests are not the same or even in the same line as the interests of people.

The BIGs concentrate intensely on their own immediate concerns, their own bottom-lines, their own profits, the value their own shares, and the like, not about anyone’s future beyond a 20-year horizon.

People, by contrast (unless actually starving at the time) care about the long range future, the world that their children will inhabit. As to environmental matters, people, or many of us, believe (as to the natural order as a whole) that “What God has put together, let not mankind put asunder”, but corporations and many of the very rich do not believe any such rubbish. “Plunder and Sunder” might be the watchwords of the BIGs.

Pirates were once thought to be a danger to humanity. We are now taught that “terrorists” are a danger to humanity. But concerns about pirates and terrorists are mere distractions, distracting people from concern with the real dangers we all face—as dangers to humankind, pirates and even terrorists are pikers compared to the BIGs.[1]

If the BIGs were to energetically propel the world toward GREEN energy, I have no doubt that would be our direction. But it is not. Our governments generally ignore climate change. Many of the elected puppets of the BIGs pooh-pooh climate change entirely, call it a myth.

Biological structures go haywire sometimes.

People become dysfunctional due to illness or mental disease. A psychotic person does a poor job of directing his own life or the lives of others. A body sufficiently far gone with cancer does a poor job of carrying out the tasks of living.

The biological structure called “mankind” has gone haywire. Oligarchy is killing the earth or at least transforming it so human habitation will be rather dramatically changed—soon.

We all know this. And until we find a magic bullet to overcome the “oligarchy” that rules us, the madness (psychosis) of our rulers will doom us into further and further trouble—as to climate, as to war and peace, as to justice: as to all the things that people—as opposed to corporations—care about.

Peter Belmont lives in Brooklyn.

Notes.

1.  I have not analyzed how dangerous the BIGs would be if they did not participate in politics. If none except human beings could spend money for “political action” in the USA and if such spending were subject to a well-enforced cumulative annual “cap”, democracy might again be possible. That is of course, especially with the Supreme Court as so far revealed, counter-factual to say the least.




To Wrench or Not to Wrench: A Brief History of Direct Action in the Environmental Movement and its Potential Consequences, Ethical Implications, and Effectiveness

By Jeriah BowserThe Hampton Institute | News Analysis

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It is hard to identify the beginning of the environmental movement in the U.S., as there have always been individuals who have cared for the natural world and, therefore, have sought to protect it from those who would profit off of its destruction. For the purposes of this essay, let us start with December 7, 1972, when Harrison Schmitt, one of three members aboard the Apollo 17 spacecraft, turns and looks through the porthole of his small craft and snaps the first full-view photo of the planet Earth. In artistic terms, it’s nothing remarkable: a small, pale-blue circle with swirls of white obscuring most of the terrain, which are the brown and green hues of Southern Africa. In terms of mankind’s relationship with the earth, it is a breathtaking and life-changing moment. To see our earth not as a vast resource-pile to consume and destroy but as a small, fragile blue dot is truly an awe-inspiring and perspective-changing moment, and a moment that changed how many people saw and related to our planet. Several books were published in the late 1960s and early 1970s that contributed to the rising awareness of environmentalism, most notable of which were “Silent Spring,” “The Population Bomb,” and “The Monkey Wrench Gang.” Several national incidents also caused alarm and concern for what our technology was really capable of, with the burning of the Cuyahoga River in Cleveland, Ohio in 1969, and the catastrophic oil spill in Santa Barbara, California in 1969. On April 22, 1970, America celebrated its first Earth Day, with an unparalleled twenty million people taking to the streets, parks, and other public areas to advocate for ecological responsibility and awareness.

The first Earth Day was a critical point in the environmental movement – a moment that suggested it was ok to care about the earth without being labeled a “hippie,” “radical,” or “communist.” With that cultural shift came the emergence of a new class of environmental advocates – the rich and famous who could afford $500-a -plate dinners to benefit endangered species, and who quickly formed the political allegiances and factions of the mainstream environmental movement. As could be expected, with the emergence of the affluent environmentalist came the alter-ego of the radical activist.

The first direct-action environmental group was Earth First! (EF)[1], founded in 1980 by several disgruntled members of other mainstream environmental groups who were disheartened by the hijacking of the movement by some of the main contributors to environmental destruction: politicians, ranch-owners, corporate CEO’s, and oil barons. EF started slowly, engaging in “passive,” non-violent, civil-disobedience actions such as tree sitting, blocking logging roads, and street protests. Before a decade had passed, however, they had evolved as a much more potent enemy to industrialization than anyone would have expected. Tree-spiking, or driving huge nails into trees in an area doomed to be clear-cut, in order to break the saw-blades and discourage logging companies from cutting down old-growth forests, became a widespread issue for logging companies, culminating in the injury of a mill worker in Northern California in 1987 [2]. Billboarding – or burning, cutting down, or otherwise defacing billboards – was a popular tool of resistance in the Southwest for many years until it spread to California and the Pacific Northwest, eventually creating the Billboard Liberation Front in San Francisco, CA.[3]Arson slowly emerged as the preferred method of resistance, however, and was co-opted by other emerging environmental and animal rights groups- most notably the Earth Liberation Front (ELF)[4] and the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) [5] in the early 1990s.

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Starting in 1995, environmental sabotage gained national attention with the arson of the Dutch Dairy Girl Factory in Eugene, OR, where two dairy trucks were destroyed with homemade incendiary devices, causing over $150,000 in damages. Less than a year later, two forest service ranger stations were torched in Detroit, OR and Oakridge, OR, causing over five million dollars in damage. The ELF claimed responsibility for these attacks and described them as protests against the corrupt and irresponsible way in which the forest service was managing the Oregon wild lands, particularly allowing timber companies to clear-cut protected forest areas. These attacks, while very damaging and concerning to the public and forestry industry, were only the beginning.

A horse slaughterhouse was burned in 1997 in Redmond, OR, which was followed quickly with a torching of two BLM horse-corrals in Burns, OR and Rock Springs, WY. The horse-corrals supplied healthy, wild horses caught on public lands to slaughterhouses in order to clear the lands for deforestation and sell the meat to unaware consumers. These three actions together caused over one and a half million dollars in damages, and the slaughterhouse was never rebuilt, potentially saving the lives of hundreds of wild horses.

1998 was an especially active year for environmental sabotage – starting with the arson of the USDA Animal and Plant Health Inspection Services Center and the USDA Animal Damage Control Office, both located in Olympia, WA. Less than three months later, the Redwood Coast Trucking Company in Arcata, CA was targeted due to its participation in logging activities. Although twelve trucks were targeted, only one actually burned. To cap the year off, ELF/ALF staged its biggest direct action ever by targeting the Vail Mountain Ski Facility in Vail, CO, which was built on one of the last natural habitats for the endangered Lynx in Colorado despite numerous protests and pleas to preserve the area. Two lodges, a ski patrol headquarters, and four chair-lifts were destroyed in a highly coordinated and executed attack that ended up costing over twelve million dollars in damages.

Numerous acts of environmental sabotage in the first years of the twenty-first century brought even more national attention and concern to environmental issues: the Superior Lumber Company arson in Glendale, OR, the Childers Meat Company arson in Eugene, OR, the Legend Ridge Mansion arson in Boulder CO, the Jefferson Poplar Farm arson in Clatskanie OR, the University of Washington Arson in Seattle WA, the Joe Romania SUV dealership arson in Eugene OR, and the San Diego Condominium Arsons in San Diego, CA, all contributed to the formation of the FBI’s “Operation Backfire” in 2004, which aimed to uncover and prosecute members of various animal and environmental rights groups who had engaged in “eco-terrorism.” Within two years, the FBI had indicted eighteen individuals in the case. Of those eighteen, thirteen received lengthy prison sentences, one committed suicide in jail, and several others were given plea-bargains in exchange for snitching on their companions. Not only did Operation Backfire put away many leaders and icons in the environmental/ animal-rights movement, but it also set a precedent in dealing with similar actions in the future – most notably the prosecutors’ ability to label individuals who had engaged in nonviolent acts of civil disobedience as “terrorists,” and thereby seeking punishments as severe as life sentences in prison.

Not only did this strike a blow to the activist community, but it also played a key role in influencing public opinion. In legal terms, it allowed for the adoption of new laws and policies to further enforce the power of Federal and Local Governments to treat nonviolent activists with the same crushing force that had formerly been reserved for violent extremists. Astonishingly, the FBI currently considers ELF, EF, and ALF, ” A more serious threat to domestic security than Al-Qaeda,” despite these organizations having killed or injured not a single person, and despite the fact that almost all of the targets were subjected to lengthy, aboveground advocacy, protests, and pleas before the activists resorted to civil disobedience as a last resort (when democracy didn’t work)[6]. The tactics used by the FBI to bring down the ALF and ELF cells during Operation Backfire have been widely criticized and condemned by various human rights groups, government watchdog groups, and free-speech advocates all over the world. Gross invasions of privacy were considered “justifiable” in the light of “the considerable financial damage” inflicted on the logging, building, and agricultural industries; and, as a result, phones were tapped, emails were read, individuals were threatened and coerced into snitching out their friends, and undercover informants were sent to infiltrate and collect data on so-called “suspected terrorists,” all without warrants or any form of government supervision.[7] The post-9/11 hysteria was unfortunately seen by corporations and government bodies as an opportunity to further their own interests. As such, by capitalizing on the fear and panic that is produced by any mention of the word “terrorism,” the FBI was able to manipulate the public into seeing nonviolent acts of conscience as the actions of violent, thoughtless criminals.

Not only was Operation Backfire a gross violation of civil rights and judicial protocol, but it was largely ineffective and futile. The arrests and prosecutions of the ALF and ELF members did not stop or even slow down the movement. Both organizations, as well as many other direct-action environmental organizations, reported increasing membership, donations, and public support following the trial and subsequent media coverage. Several acts of monkeywrenching have occurred since then, albeit with more covert tactics. Many of the thirteen activists currently in prison are actively engaged in the struggle, writing newsletters and articles from their cells, giving interviews to reporters, and studying the works and writings of other activists who have been imprisoned throughout history for opposing destructive regimes – Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela, Mohandas Gandhi, Huey Newton, etc.

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The debate and actions continue as to the fate of our planet. Many people hold the traditional view that the planet is here for our enjoyment and exploitation, and needs no consideration or protection. On the other side of the pond are the “deep ecologists” who argue that earth and all of her inhabitants are sacred and have inherent value, regardless of their purpose or value to humans. For those individuals whose daily interactions with the voracious appetite of industrial society and the unprecedented plundering of the earth’s resources lead them to feel as though something needs to change, there are often few choices presented. For those individuals who sense the overall futility in buying a Prius, switching to reusable shopping bags, and voting for the Green Party; and who want to actually do something to protect the few remaining sacred, un-commodified places and creatures in the world, the democratic process seems like a carrot on a stick – a dangling distraction to buy “greener” things while the corporations continue to do whatever the hell they want and aren’t held accountable for any of the consequences.

For these individuals, engaging in direct-action often feels like the only choice left. So, the question remains: Are direct-action activities effective or justifiable, and what are the potential consequences? Let’s break this down a bit.

Let’s start with effectiveness. Are direct-action, extra-legal activities an effective way to combat deforestation, tar-sands projects, fur-farms, or any other environmental destruction currently taking place? It entirely depends on what your goal is. In some instances, the direct threat to animals or forests has been effectively stopped, as in the burning of horse-slaughterhouses and corrals, the release of animals from fur-farms, and the tree-spiking of large tracts of forest land which are still standing today. In many others, however, burned buildings were simply rebuilt, new animals were bred and slaughtered, and new equipment was ordered with almost no substantial loss to the offending company due to insurance policies. One could argue that rampant direct action actually harms the earth – as arson releases huge amounts of carbon into the atmosphere and necessitates the production and purchasing of more materials.

If, however, the goal is to create public awareness and concern for issues that are below the radar, they will almost always achieve that – as the media loves a good “eco-terrorism” story. The problem lies in what type of publicity this person or group may receive. Even with the flagrantly biased and ignorant coverage given by the media, the message is ultimately presented to the public, and will probably gain much more attention than a petition or a march would have. A case in point would be the vandalism committed by the Black Bloc during the WTO protests in Seattle in 1999. In the days leading up to the conference, over 50,000 protesters from all over the world gathered in Seattle to protest further economic exploitation, or “trade negotiations.” For the first several days of massive organized protests and demonstrations, there was a total media blackout, as the media did not want to lend any credence to the demonstrators or give their concerns any legitimacy. Only when a few members of an anarchist militia known as the Black Bloc began destroying corporate store fronts for companies which had been proven guilty of international criminal behavior did the media give any attention to the protests; however, did so with reckless bias, erroneously claiming that protesters, “hurled molotov cocktails at police” and committed “random acts of vandalism and destruction.”[8]Overall, the image presented to the public was not one of 50,000 deeply concerned, educated individuals who gathered to protest what they saw as the destruction of the planet and its inhabitants, but one of a group of angry, ignorant criminals who just wanted an excuse to break stuff. Regretful? Perhaps. Yet when compared to the 2001 WTO protests in Doha, Qatar, which accrued no property damage and, therefore, absolutely no media coverage, it becomes clear that sometimes even negative media attention is better than none. Such groups will sometimes deploy a very specific plan, well-prepared media releases, and eloquent spokespeople in an attempt to increase accurate public awareness, and to combat the expected media butchery and portrayal of such actions as mindlessly”violent” and “extremist.”

Many groups aren’t so inclined to perform major acts of direct-action which could warrant an FBI investigation, yet still engage in monkeywrenching. These folks view small acts of dissent as being much more effective than large-scale acts, and will engage in everything from passing out literature, pulling up survey stakes, cutting fences, gluing locks, putting sugar in gas tanks, and generally being a nuisance to ecological offenders and their subsidiaries. In terms of a long, drawn-out battle, small, everyday acts of resistance can have enormous and often decisive effects. The defeat of the Confederate states in the American Civil War is a great example of this phenomenon. Very early in the war there was a widespread crop failure which heavily affected the Southern states. As a result, many of the confederate soldiers, who were concerned about their families’ farms and land, deserted the front lines, went home to their families, and resisted conscription for the rest of the war. This theme only gained momentum as the war progressed; until, by late 1865, almost a quarter of a million troops had deserted the fight and gone home to tend to their farms. There was no organized social movement of desertion, no union leader or revolutionary spokesman, no great essays or books calling for mass desertion – only the small actions of many, many individuals that added up to a major event which shaped the political landscape of the nation and the world in an untold number of ways. Those who subscribe to such an approach typically recommend the book, ” Ecodefense: A Field Guide to Monkeywrenching ,” by Dave Foreman and Bill Haywood.

Moving on to the question of being justifiable. Is it morally feasible to break the law and employ property damage in order to further one’s own personal convictions and beliefs? This question is much too big and multi-faceted to completely explore here, so I will provide a series of examples to challenge some widely-held beliefs about this.

Example one: The Boston Tea Party, a popular event that precipitated the American Revolution, has received much attention in recent years due to the formation of a large political body that derives its name from the event. To put it bluntly, the original Tea Party was a non-violent, direct-action that destroyed private property in order to make a political point. The State (the British Empire at the time) declared it an “act of tyranny and treason, which calls for swift and relentless suppression”[9] Yet it is widely hailed as an act of patriotism and courage, not one of terrorism, due to the fact that the “terrorists” (as per the British Empire) essentially won and got to write the history books. Similar acts of economic sabotage have taken place in almost every social movement throughout history: the British Luddites destruction of weavers to protest factory conditions, the burning of slave auction-houses and slave ships during the abolitionist movement in the U.S., the bombing of the Chancellor Exchequer David Lloyd George’s villa in Surrey during the women’s suffragist movement in Britain, the many acts of economic sabotage used to get the U.S. military out of Vietnam, South Africa’s anti-apartheid groups, India’s independence movement, the list goes on. Yet not a single one of these acts are labeled as terrorism, due to the fact that the actions were legitimized and seen as necessary in the retrospect of history.

Example two: ” The Earth is our mother. Whatever befalls the Earth befalls the sons and daughters of the earth. This we know. All things are connected by the blood which unites one family. All things are connected. ” Chief Seattle of the Duwamish people originally spoke these words, and they have been repeated by many activists and protesters who resonate with the feeling that the earth is a living entity which deserves respect and love, and who are willing to fight others who wish to hurt her. As one native Huron woman said while being arrested during protests against Canadian Tar Sands project, “Wouldn’t you do this too, if they were killing your mother?” For individuals of this persuasion, it matters little whether a few men in fancy suits exchanged money to “buy” areas of land to destroy them. It matters very little that a bunch more men in slightly less fancy suits declare their actions “illegal” and subsequently imprison them. Ask yourself: would you employ property damage in order to save your mother?

Example three: “Property is theft!” and property acquired through coercion and extortion is doubly so. The concept of private property as a social construct has gained momentum and popularity through the past few centuries, and the arguments supporting this are very compelling when seen through the eyes of the social historian. The concept that private property precipitates economic disparity and is thus a crime has been argued by such varied theorists as Rousseau, Proudhon, Marx, Locke, Bakunin, and Kropotkin. A very basic explanation of this theory is outlined in Proudhon’s book, ” What is Property? Or, an inquiry into the principle of right and government. ” For those whom employ this train of thought and see the destruction of the earth as an illegitimate and immoral task, property destruction is not an immoral act. To them, the earth belongs to everyone; and, therefore, everyone has a right to say what should happen to it; and when a few men are profiting off of the pillaging of the earth, then it is not immoral to destroy the property with which they are destroying the earth with, as it never belonged to them in the first place.

We come to the final question, what are the potential consequences for engaging in direct action activities? Up until the culmination of the FBI’s Operation Backfire, the consequences were relatively minor. Property destruction was seen as just that- property destruction and nothing more. If someone was caught monkeywrenching, they would probably receive a fine and maybe a few days in County Jail. In post-Operation Backfire times, however, the game has totally changed. Now, if someone is found guilty of engaging in acts of economic sabotage, they will most likely receive a lengthy prison sentence (depending on their willingness to “cooperate” or snitch) and are branded as a “terrorist” for the rest of their life. This seemingly draconian punishment has driven many activist groups underground, and has resulted in a wave of independently operated cells as well as a more covert approach to the ecological resistance movement. The consequences, if convicted of “eco-terrorism,” are indeed severe.

Even with these incredibly punitive and brutal tactics used against activists by the Federal Government, the resistance continues, and is growing. In the years following Operation Backfire, fields of GMO crops have been torched[10], more horse-slaughterhouses have been destroyed[11], GMO tree plantations have been cut down[12], fur-farms have been raided and animals set free, and many other small but effective actions have done their part to slow the industrial machine down and defend the earth against its predators and profiteers. We are currently engaged in a period of history where capital is lord, and all who stand in the way of this lord will be driven under the wheels of “progress” and “industry.” It is often hard to see the context for this current social movement, as watching the advance of economic destruction often feels overwhelming and unstoppable. One can only wonder what history will tell of those eco-warriors, those brave abolitionists of speciesism and ecocide, and those who dared to throw a monkey-wrench into the gears of capitalism in the name of the earth and all of her inhabitants. We must not wonder for too long, however, and neglect our duty to resist,to fight, to act.

Notes

[1]  http://www.earthfirst.org/about.htm

[7] “Green is the New Red” – Will Potter (2007)

[9] “Redcoats and Rebels: The American Revolution through British Eyes” – Christopher Hibbert (2002)

_____________________________________________________

JERIAH BOWSER

Jeriah is an autodidactic student of philosophy, sociology, psychology, environmental studies, religion, anthropology, and theology. His tumultuous upbringing and personal experiences with incarceration and injustice have given him a passion for social justice and equality, and he actively pursues his vision for a better world. His careers as a wilderness guide, survival school teacher, and paraprofessional therapist have given him a unique outlook on the world and how humans fit into it. Jeriah’s dream is to run naked through the woods, eating berries and roots, making primitive tools, tracking coyotes, and writing anarchist theory on birch bark. When he’s not lost in the wilderness, he loves spending time with his wife Angie and his cat Bruce.


 




Radical Political Economy of the Environment

The Real Green

Bolivia's Morales: Pursuing semi-socialist paths while still using capitalist notions like "growing the economy" and "unlimited extractivism" betrays the revolution, the people and the planet itself.

Bolivia’s Morales: Pursuing feckless socialist paths while still relying on supposedly sound capitalist notions like “constant growth” and “unlimited extractivism” betrays the revolution, the people and the planet itself.  What the world needs now is a better distribution of what we already produce, not an ever expanding, ethically rudderless, global economy which acts like a cancer on everything alive.

by JAVIER SETHNESS CASTRO
On Saturday, 5 October, the Union for Radical Political Economics (URPE) held a conference on the “Political Economy >of the Environment” at St. Francis College in Brooklyn. As should be obvious, any application of a “radical political economic analysis to social problems” such as the devastating present environmental crisis should likely be welcomed at this late stage; thus, the URPE’s twin strategy of advancing a “continuing critique of the capitalist system and all forms of exploitation and oppression” and “helping to construct a progressive social policy and create socialist alternatives” should prove an attractive one to self-identified militants.  It it thus with militant desire that I attended the conference.

Fortunately, I consciously missed the morning plenary, entitled “Confronting Capital in Defense of the Environment,” given that Christian Parenti was slated to speak—while I liked his 2011 book Tropic of Chaos: Climate Change and the New Geography of Violence, I had been rather disappointed by his presentation just months prior at the 2013 Left Forum, where he presented a totally reformist—hence inadequate—vision for combating the specter of catastrophic climate change, one which I felt served to foster illusion and delusion with regard to the willingness of the U.S. ruling elite to act swiftly to redress climate breakdown. As far as I understand, Parenti presented very similar notions at the URPE morning plenary, side-by-side with his co-panelist Prof. Robin Hahnel, who in his comments regarding “Left Unity” on “Climate Change Policy” apparently cast carbon-trading mechanisms in a positive light. Less problematically, Sean Sweeney of Cornell’s Global Labor Institute reportedly advanced more legitimate perspectives than the other two plenary speakers in his arguments for a “Progressive Labor Agenda on Work and the Environment.”

As against what could be taken to have been a rough start, the first afternoon workshop I attended, “Environmental Issues for Developing Countries,” was quite excellent. The session began with the intervention of Fabián Balardini, who took a critical view of “Extractivism and the Governing Left in South America.” He opened his presentation by citing Karl Marx’s famous reformulation of G.W.F. Hegel’s observation that history repeats itself over time tragically, noting such repetitions to transcend tragedy for farce: in essence, the “pink-tide” governments advancing “Twenty-First Century Socialism” in Latin America are resorting to the same resource-intensive, environmentally destructive modes of “development” that had been advanced by the twentieth-century neo-liberal governments which they have replaced.

As has been theorized both by Rosa Luxemburg and David Harvey, this model is one of “accumulation by dispossession”: whereas previous Western-oriented governments in the region promoted extractivism in conformity with the neo-classical theory of “comparative advantage” (essentially, specialization), the new “progressive” governments of Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador continue in this tradition by arguing that its perpetuation is necessary toward the end of decreasing material poverty and gross social inequality. As Balardini showed, however, citing the work of Ecuadorean economist Pablo Davolos, recent declines in poverty rates in these countries may have more to do with remittances from migrant laborers abroad than increased governmental spending resulting from taxes on increased natural-resource exploitation: indeed, Davolos infamously finds that a great deal of the income gained from “progressive” extractivist schemes has—rather than be transferred to the people through social spending—instead been invested in major international banks!

In light of such considerations, Balardini’s comical summarization of the political philosophy of the late Hugo Chávez is particularly adept: “Oil producers of the world, unite!” and “Two, three, many OPECs!” Similarly, Balardini showed the government of Evo Morales to be rather hypocritical, given its posturing on the one hand in the international arena against the undoubtedly terracidal climate-inaction regimes pushed by the U.S., Europe, and China, as juxtaposed with his mandated expansion of hydrocarbon and mineral exploitation in Bolivia, particularly on indigenous lands. Also farcical in Balardini’s estimation is the rule of Rafael Correa in Ecuador, who transformed the original indigenous proposal to without question leave the petroleum reserves discovered within the Amazonian Yasuní reserve undisturbed into a money-making scheme. As is well-known, Correa’s proposal was for the international community to provide for an estimated half of the projected market value of the Yasuní oil deposits (estimated at 840 million barrels), as based at least in part in the principle of constraining future carbon emissions, in exchange for his government’s observance of the indigenous and popular desire not to “develop” Yasuní—a region of the Amazon believed to possess in a single hectare more species than exist in all of North America.

Given that international donors only came up with $13 million of the estimated $3.6 billion Correa had demanded, the deal has been cancelled, with the country’s parliament voting ten days ago to authorize oil drilling in Yasuní. First tragedy, then farce… Beyond Chávez, Morales, and Correa, Balardini showed even the new government of José Mujica in Uruguay to favor the orthodox economic policies upheld by his allies, this despite his iconoclastic support for such social measures as gay marriage and marijuana legalization.

As should be obvious, then, this “progressive” economic model provides no real alternative to mainstream capitalism, instead merely mirroring its brutal and thoughtless legacy. With this in mind, it should come as no surprise, as Balardini revealed, that the percentage of primary products in export revenues has in fact increased under the “left-wing” governments, as compared to their neo-liberal predecessors; in this sense, Morales, Correa, and co. are merely following the money—according to data presented by Balardini, the extractive industries have in recent years proven more profitable than pharmaceuticals themselves! Similarly unsurprising, for all its horror, is the increase in the criminalization and repression of environmental protest in these countries, given the 150 ecologists murdered in Ecuador in recent years and the unleashing of police forces on indigenous protestors expressing their opposition to Morales’ plans to build a highway through the TIPNIS nature reserve (September 2011). But apologists of these “socialist” regimes can take pride in the fact that, like Prof. Hahnel, Correa too supports carbon markets!

The next speaker on “Environmental Issues for Developing Countries” was Paul Cooney, a Marxist economist working at the Universidade Federal do Pará in Brazil, who spoke on the “re-primarization” of national economies in Latin America—that is to say, the relative de-industrialization experienced in recent decades by countries such as Brazil and Argentina which has led them to regress into becoming major agro- and mineral-exporters. This historical process, which has followed from the existence of relatively high interest rates and, in the case of Brazil, the overvaluing of currency, has led these two countries to focus heavily on large-scale mining and capital-intensive agricultural production, particularly of soy crops. Indeed, on the global market, Brazil and Argentina have joined the U.S. as the largest soy exporters in the world.

In Brazil, growth in soy production has greatly accelerated the destruction of the Amazon rainforest, thus exacerbating this worrying trend which previously had been driven by the demand to massively expand the number of cattle to be reared and slaughtered for export. In Argentina, soy has become something of a monoculture, with Cooney claiming 95% of the crop to be genetically modified. One result of this process—the threat to domestic food security aside—has been the effective alliance with Monsanto and the massive use of its herbicides which have destroyed a great deal of the microbial life in the soils of Argentina. As highly capital- and land-intensive enterprises, soy megaprojects in both countries come to parallel the expansion of mega-mining in Brazil: the world’s single-largest iron ore open-pit mine is located in Carajás in the Brazilian state of Pará, and much of the recent impetus to erect hydroelectric dams in the country—think of the proposed Belo Monte Dam on the Xingu River, a major tributary of the Amazon and home to tens of thousands of indigenous peoples—in fact corresponds to the energy demands of planned mining projects, noted Cooney.

The final speaker for this session was Sirisha Naidu, who discussed forest-management policy in India. Naidu contrasted the imposition of the “scientific management” forestry model during the British Raj and its perpetuation after formal independence in 1947 with the community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) model practiced at the grassroots and theorized by scholars such as Elinor Ostrom. As against the profit-based extractivism favored by the postcolonial State, Naidu explained that the coming of the Convention on Biological Diversity in 1992 explicitly opened space for community management of resources, leading eventually in 2006 to the Indian Forest Rights Act which recognizes the rights of so-called “encroachers” to the forests in which they may reside. Naidu welcomed the fact that the increased respect for CBNRM policies have in some cases successfully blocked the expansion of mining projects in Indian states, yet she expressed concern that it may also increase the risk of land being employed for less savory ends; moreover, she noted the problematic tendency to consider communities as monolithic entities, an approach which effectively papers over the very real social inequalities and oppressions experienced in such settings.

During the second afternoon session, there was a workshop on “Grassroots Initiatives against the Theft of Resources by Multinationals” on the continent of Africa. First to speak was Milton Allimadi, editor of Black Star News, who spoke on grassroots resistance in Uganda to the U.S.-backed dictator Yoweri Museveni, particularly as coalescing around the proposed deal between the Mehta Group and Museveni’s government to clear 30% of the Mabira rainforest to make way for a sugar plantation (2006-2007). Against this proposal, mass-popular demonstrations were organized, coupled with boycotts of Mehta sugar, leading Museveni to order violent repression, a move that only intensified the opposition movement, ultimately leading the government to suspend negotiations for the project—which would have greatly enriched the ruling elite, as Allimadi argued. He also mentioned that millions have been dispossessed of their lands in Uganda in recent years, given the introduction by foreign investors of commercial farming on lands that have been effectively expropriated in cohoots with the Museveni government.

After Allimadi spoke Maurice Carney, from Friends of the Congo, who presented a comprehensive overview of the history of the Democratic Republic of the Congo/Zaire. A country approximately the size of Western Europe, the DRC is the site of vast mineral wealth—one estimate claims the sum of its geological resources to amount to $24 trillion—while its peoples have suffered the world’s most devastating war since WWII in recent decades, leading the UN consistently to locate it at the very bottom of the Human Development Report. Indeed, Carney revealed that it was from Congo that the U.S. military extracted the very uranium it would employ in the atomic bombs it dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. So in addition to the 10-15 million Congolese killed by the imposition of Belgian rule in the person of Leopold II at the turn of the nineteenth century, some 6 million have lost their lives in the wars which began with Museveni and Paul Kagame’s invasions to depose Mobutu Sese Seko (1996)—another kleptocrat backed by the U.S., one who in fact replaced anti-colonial Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, who in turn was overthrown and murdered by the CIA in 1961 out of fear that the U.S. would “lose the Congo” and all of Africa if Lumumba were “allowed” to continue with his autonomous policies following Congo’s formal independence from Belgium (1960).

It is the U.S. “darlings” Museveni and Kagame, noted Carney, who constitute the “godfathers” of the mass mineral-exploitation of the eastern DRC that has sustained the genocide experienced in the region. Nonetheless, of course, both Western consumers and the world’s militaries remain entirely complicit in these massive crimes: as should be well-known, the coltan mined in eastern DRC constitutes a critical component of most if not all current electronics devices (cell phones and computers) as well as jet-fighter systems, while cobalt similarly serves many functions for the military-industrial complex. In conclusion, Carney noted that the international corporate media focuses far more on Robert Mugabe’s regime in Zimbabwe than on the astronomically larger social devastation in DRC—mostly because Mugabe resists Anglo-American political designs, while the culprits in the DRC are entirely supported by the West. However, Carney expressed hope in the oppositional potential of the presently developing Congolese youth movement.

Lastly in this session, Tseliso Thipanyane of the South African Human Rights Commission spoke on the situation in his home country as well as in Nigeria. At the outset of his comments, Thipanyane observed that the historical trajectory of these two countries shows clearly the extent to which the interests of transnational capitalism have captured indigenous African elites, tying them indelibly into the perpetuation of the system. Optimistically noting that it would take 30 years and $1 billion dollars to remediate the Niger Delta following the extreme devastation wrought on the region by Royal Dutch Shell, Thipanyane noted a similar tendency in South Africa, especially given the shocking Marikana massacre of striking platinum miners in August 2012—a show of force, he claimed, which no one in South Africa would have expected from Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress (ANC), which of course overturned formal Apartheid in 1994.

Nonetheless, Thipanyane observed that even at the Davos Forum in 1992, Mandela was threatened by powerful transnational economic interests, leading him to drop his previous advocacy of the nationalization of South Africa’s mines following the coming fall of Apartheid. In an analysis reminiscent of John Pilger’s recent denunciation of Mandela’s effectively capitalist economic policies, Thipanyane observed that since 1994 many ANC insiders have become major shareholders in the country’s large mining operations, leading inexorably to State capture by oligarchical interests. In environmental terms, Thipanyane mentioned the worrying tendency by which the sulfuric acid produced in mega-mining has penetrated the country’s water supply, forcing its government to begin to import water from Lesotho. In more systemic terms, he noted that, while Africa south of the Sahel famously stands to bear the worst impacts of climate change, the governments of the region can pay no more than lip service to the struggle against this horror, given their total integration into global capitalism.

Next and last for the day came the closing plenary on “Capitalism, Environmental Crises, and the Left.” First to address the audience was Prof. Joan Hoffman, who condemned hydrofracking as a proposed alternative to the petroleum-based economy (the idea of natural gas as a “bridge fuel”). She noted the fracking industry to act typically, as in the mantra of “come, harm, take, and go,” and she warned of the serious risks of large methane leaks from fracking sites, as well as the real threat of explosions. Against the “vampire economics” represented by hydrofracking, Hoffman proposed stewardship economics, which would be based on cradle-to-cradle production and powered by renewable resources such as solar and wind. Next spoke Salvatore Engel di-Mauro, editor of the journal Capitalism Nature Socialism, who warned of the problems posed to left-wing environmental politics by over-reliance on the findings of “bourgeois scientists.”

Arguing soil pollution and degradation to represent an ecological problem equal to climate change in severity, Salvatore noted that the employment of soil-quality indicators derived from the aforementioned scientists often leads to an increase in use of fertilizers, and he warned that the historical bioaccumulation of heavy metals in urban settings may pose a serious problem for the recent emergence of urban agriculture. Indeed, he observed that one approach favored by bourgeois soil scientists has been to engage in bioremediation schemes which aim to extract heavy metals from the soil so as to allow them to be liberated and reused in production! Salvatore clearly declared that the “neutrality” and “objectivity” which are mainstays of mainstream science must be broken with radically in the struggle for emancipation.

Finally, Paul Cooney spoke once again, this time on globalization and the second contradiction of capitalism, which he took from the work of Marxist economist James O’Connor. While capitalism’s first contradiction is better-known—referring to the class struggle between labor and capital—the second postulated contradiction has to do with the conflicts between relations of production and conditions of production, particularly in ecological terms, such that capitalism effectively “fouls its own nest,” as John Bellamy Foster writes, through the destruction of the life-world it prosecutes via its endless pursuit of profit. Invoking the spirit of (anti)catastrophism theorized by Sasha Lilley and comrades in their 2012 PM Press book on the subject—which was, incidentally, severely criticized by Ian Angus in last month’s issue of Monthly Review—Cooney argued that we still have two fronts with which to confront capital: labor and the environment.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Javier Sethness Castro is author of Imperiled Life: Revolution against Climate Catastrophe and For a Free Nature: Critical Theory, Social Ecology, and Post-Developmentalism. His essays and articles have appeared in Truthout, Climate and Capitalism, Dissident Voice, MRZine, Countercurrents, and Perspectives on Anarchist Theory. He is currently working on writing a political and intellectual biography of Herbert Marcuse.




South Dakota: RECORD-SETTING BLIZZARD KILLS 75,000 COWS

AND YOU MIGHT NOT HAVE EVEN HEARD ABOUT IT

By

Ranchers are still digging out thousands of their cattle that became buried in a record-setting snowstorm in South Dakota late last week and over the weekend.

One would think the death of 75,000 cows by upwards of five feet of snow might get some national attention, but as one blogger observed, it has taken some time for the news of the precipitation massacre to reach outside of local media.

blizzard-rapid-city-truck_reuteres-620x394

“I searched the national news for more information. Nothing. Not a single report on any of major news sources that I found. Not CNN, not the NY Times, not MSNBC,” Dawn Wink wrote Tuesday. “I thought, ‘Well, it is early and the state remains without power and encased in snow, perhaps tomorrow.’ So I checked again the next day. Nothing. It has now been four days and no national news coverage.”

Wink dubbed it “The Blizzard that Never Was.”

National syndicated photo services also yield only a few results documenting the storm. The Weather Channel, taking photo submissions from locals, seems to have the most dramatic pictures of the scene.

spearfish south dakota snow

At least four deaths were attributed to the weather, including a South Dakota man who collapsed while cleaning snow off his roof.

Gary Cammack, who ranches on the prairie near Union Center about 40 miles northeast of the Black Hills, said he lost about 70 cows and some calves, about 15 percent of his herd. A calf would normally sell for $1,000, while a mature cow would bring $1,500 or more, he said.

“It’s bad. It’s really bad. I’m the eternal optimist and this is really bad,” Cammack said. “The livestock loss is just catastrophic. … It’s pretty unbelievable.”

rapid city sd snow

Cammack said cattle were soaked by 12 hours of rain early in the storm, so many were unable to survive an additional 48 hours of snow and winds up to 60 mph.

“It’s the worst early season snowstorm I’ve seen in my lifetime,” said Cammack, 60.

“As the days warm, more and more carcasses are exposed. So many have lost so much,” Wink, the blogger, wrote of her mom saying.

“It’s the worst early season snowstorm I’ve seen in my lifetime.”

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Early estimates suggest western South Dakota lost at least 5 percent of its cattle, said Silvia Christen, executive director of the South Dakota Stockgrowers Association. Some individual ranchers reported losses of 20 percent to 50 percent of their livestock, Christen said. The storm killed calves that were due to be sold soon as well as cows that would produce next year’s calves in an area where livestock production is a big part of the economy, she said.

“This is, from an economic standpoint, something we’re going to feel for a couple of years,” Christen said.

ellsworth air force base snow

Some ranchers still aren’t sure how many animals they lost, because they haven’t been able to track down all of their cattle. Snowdrifts covered fences, allowing cattle to leave their pastures and drift for miles.

“Some cattle might be flat buried in a snow bank someplace,” said Shane Kolb of Meadow, who lost only one cow.

State officials are tallying livestock losses, but the extent won’t be known for several days until ranchers locate their cattle, Jamie Crew of the state Agriculture Department said.

“This is absolutely, totally devastating,” Steve Schell, a 52-year-old rancher, told the Rapid City Journal. “This is horrendous. I mean the death loss of these cows in this country is unbelievable.”

Ranchers and officials said the losses were aggravated by the fact that a government disaster program to help ranchers recover from livestock losses has expired. Ranchers won’t be able to get federal help until Congress passes a new farm bill, said Perry Plumart, a spokesman for Sen. Tim Johnson, D-S.D.

NBC News reported that State Agriculture Secretary Lucas Lentsch said ranchers should keep a accounts of their loss with photos to use in later claims.

More than 22,000 homes and businesses in western South Dakota remained without power into this week, according to utility companies. National Guard troops were helping utility crews pull equipment through the heavy, wet snow to install new electricity poles.

At least 1,600 poles were toppled in the northwest part of the state alone, and workers expect to find more, Grand River Electric Coop spokeswoman Tally Seim said.

“We’ve got guys flying over our territory, counting as they go. We’re finding more as we are able to access the roads. The roads have been pretty blocked on these rural country roads,” Seim said.

“One of our biggest challenges is getting access to areas that are still snowed in,” added Vance Crocker, vice president of operations for Black Hills Power, whose crews were being hampered by rugged terrain in the Black Hills region.

In Rapid City, where a record-breaking 23 inches of snow fell, travel was slowly getting back to normal.

The city’s airport and all major roadways in the region had reopened by Monday. The city’s streets also were being cleared, but residents were being asked to stay home so crews could clear downed power lines and tree branches, and snow from roadsides. Schools and many public offices were closed.

“It’s a pretty day outside. There’s a lot of debris, but we’re working to clear that debris,” said Calen Maningas, a Rapid City firefighter working in the Pennington County Emergency Operations Center.

In South Dakota, the 19 inches of snow that fell in Rapid City on Friday broke the city’s 94-year-old one-day snowfall record for October by about 9 inches, according to the National Weather Service. The city also set a record for snowfall in October, with a total of 23.1 inches during the storm. The previous record was 15.1 inches in October 1919.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.