The Big Fracking Bubble: The Scam Behind the Gas Boom

It’s not only toxic – it’s driven by a right-wing billionaire who profits more from flipping land than drilling for gas.

by Jeff Goodell, Rolling Stone
Thanks to Rolling Stone for publishing, in general, more reliable and progressive materials than most of the major print media, beginning with the over-rated New York Times.
This material reproduced under conditions of urgent planetary ecological and political crisis, which in our view supersede property issues.


Aubrey McClendon

A natural gas drilling rig stands on a Chesapeake Energy Corp. drill site in Bradford County, Pennsylvania.

A natural gas drilling rig stands on a Chesapeake Energy Corp. drill site in Bradford County, Pennsylvania.
Daniel Acker/Bloomberg via Getty Images

As recently as a decade ago, many energy experts believed that America was nearly pumped out – that the only oil and gas left here at home was too difficult and too expensive to get out of the ground. Until we can ferment synthetic fuels with genetically engineered yeast or develop solar cells as cheap as Frisbees, the argument went, we would be stuck buying oil from the Arabs.

The Wall Street Journal during his senior year. “It was about two guys who had drilled a big well in the Anadarko Basin that had blown out, and it was alleged to be the biggest blowout in the history of the country,” McClendon recalls. “They sold their stake to Washington Gas and Light and got a $100 million check. I thought, ‘These are two dudes who just drilled a well and it happened to hit.’ So that really piqued my interest.”

The problem with all sophisticated technology, of course, is that things inevitably go wrong. Last April, a Chesapeake well in Bradford County suffered a massive blowout. It was the onshore, natural gas version of what happened to BP in the Gulf two years ago: A wellhead flange failed, and toxic water gushed uncontrollably from the well for several days before workers were able to bring it under control. Seven families were evacuated from their homes as 10,000 gallons of fracking fluid spilled into surrounding pastures and streams. Pennsylvania fined the company $250,000 – the highest penalty allowed under state law.

Drilling, which began the next year, was an immediate nightmare. One morning, Vargson woke up at 6 a.m. to find 18 trucks idling in her driveway. The hillside behind her house was leveled for a drill pad, and the rig went up 500 feet from her back door. Once the fracking began, water trucks made hundreds of trips up and down her driveway, while air compressors roared all day and night. When the gas was flared off before production began, the flame was so bright in the night sky that she could see it glowing red on the horizon 12 miles away.

Vargson noticed not long after production began in 2009 that water in the trough out back stopped freezing on cold nights. Inside the house, the faucet began to sputter and spit. Her husband seemed to have a lot of headaches, and Vargson felt nauseous if she stayed in the shower for more than a few minutes. Acting on a tip from a friend, she had her water tested. It was loaded with methane.

everywhere.” Tougher laws and stricter enforcement could mitigate the damage to people and the environment, but widespread drilling – especially at the boomtown pace that McClendon is pushing – will inevitably result in mishaps. Well casings will fail. Fracking chemicals will be spilled. Drinking water will be contaminated. Methane will seep into the atmosphere, accelerating global warming. When you add it all up, you can see why many environmentalists and clean-energy activists no longer see natural gas as a bridge to a more sustainable future. “It’s time to stop thinking of natural gas as a ‘kinder, gentler’ energy source,” Mike Brune, executive director of the Sierra Club, recently blogged. “Instead of rushing to see how quickly we can extract natural gas, we should be focusing on how to be sure we are using less.”

Drill, baby, drill.

This story is from the March 15, 2012 issue of Rolling Stone.
Well done, Rolling Stone

 

 

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DEBATE: What’s the difference between eating plants and animals?

BY KIM BARTLETT

Broccoli dish: where do we draw the line?

        While it is essential to realize that these arguments are virtually always made by people as a way to dismiss the idea of not eating animals without having to seriously consider the moral advantage of a vegetarian diet, the vegetarian advocate must be prepared to respond to these objections.  There are three main points to understand.

        Third, while humans and other animals sometimes eat the entire plant or otherwise destroy the plant during feeding or harvesting, the cost of meat production in terms of the amount of plant protein needed to feed an animal to produce meat is so high that people are responsible for far less plant consumption by eating plants directly rather than eating the animals who ate the plants.  It takes approximately 20 pounds of plant protein to provide one pound of beef.  The plant protein/meat ratio is lower for the production of other kinds of animal flesh, but a pound of any kind of meat costs several times more plant protein than if one eats the plant protein directly.  This was basically the argument used by Francis Moore Lappe in DIET FOR A SMALL PLANET, when she pointed out that many more people could be fed (and fewer plants would lose their lives) if people adopted a vegetarian diet.

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As Gas Fires Burn, Devastated Nigeria Pays Horrific Price to Ensure Profits of Big Oil

A Black Agenda Radio commentary by BAR managing editor Bruce A. Dixon

Big Oil ranks among the most profitable enterprises on earth. But capitalist corporations don’t pay their own costs – these are borne by the people and their environments. Few have paid a higher price than the oil-producing regions of Nigeria, now among the most devastated and toxic wastelands on the planet.

Since its nominal independence from Britain in the 1960s, the West African nation of Nigeria has been the scene of a vast, murderous and ecocidal wave of corporate crime. The leading culprits are the continuing corporate criminal conspiracies of Big Oil, including Shell, Texaco, Mobil, Conoco, BP, Total, and others, aided by a succession of compliant military and civilian governments, armies and police forces. The job of capitalist corporations is to maximize profits by externalizing, or shedding their costs onto other entities, and Big Oil has been massively successful in Nigeria.

With most of Nigeria’s oil concentrated in the Niger Delta and offshore, Big Oil has extracted conservatively at least $600 billion, more likely trillions in profits. Big Oil’s costs are borne by the people, the lands and the waters of Nigeria’s oil producing regions, which they have transformed into an impoverished and toxic wasteland where fishermen can’t fish, where farmers can’t farm, where the very rain and air are poisonous and the water undrinkable, where hospitals, electricity and schools are mostly unavailable. The oil producing regions are crisscrossed by a network of high-temperature, high-pressure, ill-maintained and chronically leaking pipes which annually spill an amount comparable to what BP’s Deepwater Horizon disaster did in the Gulf of Mexico. Nigerians have paid this price every year for more than a generation.

But unlike the Deepwater Horizon disaster, homicide and ecocide [5] committed by Big Oil in West Africa gets little notice in the world’s media. A December Shell/BP oil spill that the criminals claim was only 40,000 barrels [6] was virtually ignored outside West Africa. A separate offshore gas fire, which initially killed two workers when a rig exploded, has turned a region of open water into a lake of fire up to 1400 degrees Farenheit [7] that is burning well into its second month. While Chevron oil officials claim it will be another month before efforts to put out the fire are successful, even more nearby communities are finding their water undrinkable, their air unbreathable, and local clinics thronged with environmentally induced diseases and disorders.

The profits of Big Oil in West Africa, which now supplies nearly a fifth of US oil imports, has and continue to poison millions of Africans. It has turned their crops, their waters, their environment and even their children into sacrifices on the altar of corporate profit. And this horrendous price is only to bring the oil out of the ground and onto the world market, not the cost of burning it and adding its carbon to the atmosphere, but costs which are also paid by someone other than Big Oil.

The long term survival of West Africa, and of humanity will only be ensured when we stop paying the homicidal and ecocidal cost of Big Oil. We believe that day is coming. For Black Agenda Radio, I’m Bruce Dixon. Find us on the web at www.blackagendareport.com [8]. [9]

Bruce A. Dixon is managing editor at Black Agenda Report, and a member of the state committee of the Georgia Green Party. Contact him at bruce.dixon@blackagendareport.com.

http://traffic.libsyn.com/blackagendareport/20120208_bd_big_oil_ravages_nigeria.mp3
 

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7,200 Deaths and Environmental Betrayal: A Small Price to Pay for Corporate Partnership (VIDEO)

By Marsha Coleman-Adebayo

When Environmental Protection Agency chief Lisa Jackson appeared on MSNBC’s Rachel Maddows show, the liberal host pretended that President Obama had not recently gutted EPA’s ability to combat air pollution, as if it never happened. The truth is, “The White House conducted a cost-benefit analysis of the needs of susceptible populations, e.g., children, the elderly and medically compromise individuals and its corporate sponsors. The outcome was never in doubt.” The lesson: when the Democrat in the White House obeys his corporate master’s voice, his liberal supporters dutifully airbrush history.

Are we to assume that domestic decisions that may trigger twice as many deaths as occurred in the World Trade Center should be ignored while foreign adversaries endure the full weight of the American military?”

As the leaves danced in the wind, swirling through the aroma of coffee that often sweeps the streets of downtown Washington D.C., I reflected on how the leaves remind me of many in politics and the administration. Leaves that lift and turn in whichever direction the wind takes them. It is the same wind that carried President Obama’s promise during his inaugural address to “restore science to its rightful place” and to ensure that environmental and public health policies were not tainted by politics.

The late Marjorie Williams, who wrote on Washington and its passing leaders, noted once about Richard Darman, who was an aide to five Republican presidents, “I think he would do anything to advance himself.” “If the cavalry is winning, he’s for Custer, “ says another. “And if the Indians are winning, he’s for Sitting Bull.”

Smog-breathing citizens didn’t get the opportunity to hear why Jackson is still pontificating about measures she will not implement.”

Maddow never asked Jackson to explain why the public should accept the administrations decision and her acquiescence to the president’s order. Every human life must be judged valuable, after all, the US declared war on Iraq after 3,000 people were killed in the World Trade Center, initiating the longest and costliest war in American history. Are we to assume that domestic decisions that may trigger twice as many deaths as occurred in the World Trade Center should be ignored while foreign adversaries endure the full weight of the American military?

Maddows never asked these basic questions, and so we, as tax-paying, smog-breathing citizens didn’t get the opportunity to hear why Jackson is still pontificating about measures she will not implement.

When journalists fail to ask essential questions, then manipulated truth is allowed to remain unchallenged. Noam Chomsky calls this the “manufacturing of consent,” the capitulation of

intellectuals who serve the interest of corporate and government elites over the needs of the people.

And yes I understand that there is so much news that it is hard to be on top of every story, but the failures in this interview were stark.

A Game Changer

JPMorgan Chase, following its acquisition of Bank One Corporation, to oversee its operations from Chicago.

President Obama selected him because of his close ties to the banking industry and corporate America.”

There was no pretense that the decision to sidestep the clean air decision was based on science or a concern for the possible 7,200 people EPA administrator Lisa Jackson told the President

could die from asthma or other upper respiratory diseases. The American Lung Association was no match for the US Chamber of Commerce, the American Petroleum Association and corporate lobbyist. The White House conducted a cost-benefit analysis of the needs of susceptible populations, e.g., children, the elderly and medically compromise individuals and its corporate sponsors. The outcome was never in doubt. In the vernacular of the occupy movement, the 1% had decided that the 99% were collateral damage.

According to Broder, President Obama understood the public health implications of abandoning the revised clean air regulations but sided with Daley. Jackson was summoned to the White House, according to Broder, “the Thursday before Labor Day” and given her marching orders. As a loyal soldier she faithfully complied, whimpering back to EPA to continue to warm her seat. Courageous EPA whistleblowers, on the other hand, that have questioned and exposed corruption and policies that endanger the public continue to endure the full wrath of the Jackson administration.

I reread Bill Moyers: Moyers on America: A Journalist and His Times (The New Press, New York/London, 2004), and I underscored these words: “Taking on political scandal is nothing compared to what can happen if you raise questions about corporate power in Washington… I believe the power of money in politics has tipped the balance against our democratic institutions… Theodore Roosevelt believed the central fact of his era was that big business had become so dominant it would chew up democracy and spit it out… Mighty corporations are again the undisputed overlords of politics and government, their influence permeating the White House, Congress, and, increasingly, the judiciary.”

He wrote too: “Mark Hanna saw to it that first Ohio then Washington were, in his words, “ruled by business … by bankers, railroads, and public utility corporations.” Any who opposed the oligarchy were smeared as disturbers of the peace, socialists, anarchists, or worse. Back then they didn’t bother with hollow euphemisms such as ‘compassionate conservatism’ to disguise the raw reactionary politics that produced government of, by, and for the ruling corporate class. They just saw the loot and went for it.… Pro-corporate apologists hijacked the vocabulary of Jeffersonian liberalism and turned words such as ‘progress, opportunity and individualism’ into tools for making the plunder of America sound like divine right.”

Mighty corporations are again the undisputed overlords of politics and government, their influence permeating the White House, Congress, and, increasingly, the judiciary.”

It is when we ignore history that we allow lessons to go unlearned. Turning to my bookshelves I found something else, Selling the Great War: The Making of American Propaganda by Alan Axelrod (Palgrave MacMillan, New York, 2009). Axelrod wrote that America’s first propagandist was probably Ivy Lee who told John D. Rockefeller, “Tell the truth, because sooner or later the public will find out anyway. And if the public doesn’t like what you’re doing, change your policies and bring them into line with what people want.” He was, as George Creel came to realize in 1914, a master of propaganda and Creel emulated him. Creel, a former journalist and head of the Committee on Public Information began selling the people on the very war President Woodrow Wilson had sought to avoid. In April 1917, Wilson and Creel would present U.S. entry into the First World War as an idealistic and ideological imperative, a fight to “make the world safe for democracy.” Doesn’t that remind you of another war and another president closer to these times?

By the end of 1917, 100,000 were working with Creel. He created a Division of News that would send out carefully orchestrated reports of the war. It made me think of Homeland Security and what journalists traded by becoming embedded in war zones and wearing military uniforms.

In the final words of my book, No Fear: A Whistleblower’s Triumph over Corruption and Retaliation at the EPA [5] regarding South African vanadium miners who were working under dangerous conditions for a US multinational corporation, I note: “We had opened our hearts to fellow human beings. We had heard of their pain, their struggle, and embraced it as our own. It is the sound freedom makes. Grasshoppers no longer looked like giants. We had mastered what my mom had long ago identified as the most imposing grasshopper of all: fear.”

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Capitalism and Environmental Catastrophe

John Bellamy Foster
MRZine

Overall, capitalism is aimed at exponential growth.  It cannot stand still.  The minimum adequate growth rate of the system is usually thought to be 3 percent.  But this means that the economy doubles in size about every 24 years.  How many such doublings of world output can the planet take? 


Photo by Carrie Ann Naumoff

The Occupy Wall Street movement arose in response to the economic crisis of capitalism, and the way in which the costs of this were imposed on the 99 percent rather than the 1 percent.  But “the highest expression of the capitalist threat,” as Naomi Klein has said, is its destruction of the planetary environment.  So it is imperative that we critique that as well.1

I would like to start by pointing to the seriousness of our current environmental problem and then turn to the question of how this relates to capitalism.  Only then will we be in a position to talk realistically about what we need to do to stave off or lessen catastrophe.

How bad is the environmental crisis?  You have all heard about the dangers of climate change due to the emission of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases into the atmosphere — trapping more heat on earth.  You are undoubtedly aware that global warming threatens the very future of the humanity, along with the existence of innumerable other species.  Indeed, James Hansen, the leading climatologist in this country, has gone so far as to say this may be “our last chance to save humanity.”2

But climate change is only part of the overall environmental problem.  Scientists, led by the Stockholm Resilience Centre, have recently indicated that we have crossed, or are near to crossing, nine “planetary boundaries” (defined in terms of sustaining the environmental conditions of the Holocene epoch in which civilization developed over the last 12,000 years): climate change, species extinction, the disruption of the nitrogen-phosphorus cycles, ocean acidification, ozone depletion, freshwater usage, land cover change, (less certainly) aerosol loading, and chemical use.  Each of these rifts in planetary boundaries constitutes an actual or potential global ecological catastrophe.  Indeed, in three cases — climate change, species extinction, and the disruption of the nitrogen cycle — we have already crossed planetary boundaries and are currently experiencing catastrophic effects.  We are now in the period of what scientists call the “sixth extinction,” the greatest mass extinction in 65 million years, since the time of the dinosaurs; only this time the mass extinction arises from the actions of one particular species — human beings.  Our disruption of the nitrogen cycle is a major factor in the growth of dead zones in coastal waters.  Ocean acidification is often called the “evil twin” of climate change, since it too arises from carbon dioxide emissions, and by negatively impacting the oceans it threatens planetary disruption on an equal (perhaps even greater) scale.  The decreased availability of freshwater globally is emerging as an environmental crisis of horrendous proportions.3

All of this may seem completely overwhelming.  How are we to cope with all of these global ecological crises/catastrophes, threatening us at every turn?  Here it is important to grasp that all of these rifts in the planetary system derive from processes associated with our global production system, namely capitalism.  If we are prepared to carry out a radical transformation of our system of production — to move away from “business as usual” — then there is still time to turn things around; though the remaining time in which to act is rapidly running out.

Let’s talk about climate change, remembering that this is only one part of the global environmental crisis, though certainly the most urgent at present.  Climate science currently suggests that if we burn only half of the world’s proven, economically accessible reserves of oil, gas, and coal, the resulting carbon emissions will almost certainly raise global temperatures by 2° C (3.6° F), bringing us to what is increasingly regarded as an irreversible tipping point — after which it appears impossible to return to the preindustrial (Holocene) climate that nourished human civilization.  At that point various irrevocable changes (such as the melting of Arctic sea ice and the ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica, and the release of methane from the tundra) will become unstoppable.  This will speed up climate change, while also accelerating vast, catastrophic effects, such as rising sea levels and extreme weather.  Alternatively, if our object is the rational one of keeping warming below 2° C, climate science now suggests that we should refrain from burning more than a quarter of the proven, economically exploitable fossil fuel reserves (unconventional sources such as tar sands are excluded from this calculation).4

The central issue in all of this, it is important to understand, is irreversibility.  Current climate models indicate that if we were to cease burning fossil fuels completely at the point that global average temperature had increased by 2°C, or 450 parts per million (ppm) carbon concentration in the atmosphere (the current level is 390 ppm), the earth would still not be close to returning to a Holocene state by the year 3000.  In other words, once this boundary is reached, climate change is irreversible over conceivable human-time frames.5  Moreover, the damage would be done; all sorts of catastrophic results would have emerged.

Recently climate scientists, writing for Nature magazine, one of the world’s top science publications, have developed a concrete way of understanding the planetary boundary where climate change is concerned, focusing on the cumulative carbon emissions budget.  This is represented by the trillionth ton of carbon.  So far more than 500 billion tons of carbon have been emitted into the atmosphere since the industrial revolution.  In order to have an approximately even chance (50-50) of limiting the increase in global average temperature to 2°C, the cumulative CO2 emissions over the period 1750-2050 must not exceed one trillion tons of carbon; while in order to have a 75 percent chance of global warming remaining below 2°C, it is necessary not to exceed 750 billion tons of carbon.  Yet, according to present trends, the 750 billionth ton of carbon will be emitted in 2028, i.e., about sixteen years from now.

If we are to avoid burning the 750 billionth ton of carbon over the next four decades, carbon dioxide emissions must fall at a rate of 5 percent per year; while to avoid emitting the trillion ton, emissions must drop at a rate of 2.4 percent a year.  The longer we wait the more rapid the decrease that will be necessary.  The trillionth ton, viewed as the point of no return, is the equivalent of cutting down the last palm tree on Easter Island.  After that it is essentially out of our hands. 6

This takes us to the social question.  The problem we face when it comes to the appropriate response to impending climate catastrophe is not so much one of climate science — beyond understanding the environmental parameters in which we must act — as social science.  It is an issue of social conditions and social agency.  We live in in a capitalist society, which means a societyin which the accumulation of capital, i.e., economic growth carried out primarily on the terms of the 1 percent at the top (the ruling capitalist class), is the dominant tendency.  It is a system that accumulates capital in one phase simply so that it can accumulate still more capital in the next phase — always on a larger scale.  There is no braking mechanism in such a system and no social entity in control.  If for some reason the system slows down (as it is forced to periodically due to its own internal contradictions) it enters an economic crisis.  That may be good temporarily for the environment, but it is terrible for human beings, particularly the bottom portion of the 99 percent, faced with rising unemployment and declining income.

Overall, capitalism is aimed at exponential growth.  It cannot stand still.  The minimum adequate growth rate of the system is usually thought to be 3 percent.  But this means that the economy doubles in size about every 24 years.  How many such doublings of world output can the planet take?

Hence, there is a direct and growing contradiction between capitalism and the environment, a contradiction that becomes more and more apparent as the size of the capitalist economy begins to rival the basic biogeochemical processes of the planet.  Naomi Klein has rightly characterized the age we live in as “disaster capitalism” because of its dual economic and ecological crises — and due to the increasingly exploitative means the rich employ to enable them to prosper in the midst of increasing destruction.7

There are two predominant ways of addressing the climate crisis and the environmental problem generally.  One is to look for technological ways out — often seen as being spurred by the creation of carbon markets, but the onus is on the technology.  The argument here is that through the massive introduction of various advanced technologies we can have our pie and eat it too.  We can get around the environmental problem, it is suggested, without making any fundamental social changes.  Thus, the pursuit of profits and accumulation can go on as before without alteration.  Such magic-technological answers are commonly viewed as the only politically feasible ones, since they are attractive to corporate and political-power elites, who refuse to accept the need for system change.  Consequently, the establishment has gambled on some combination of technological miracles emerging that will allow them to keep on doing just as they have been doing.  Predictably, the outcome of this high-stake gamble has been a failure not only to decrease carbon emissions, but also to prevent their continued increase.

The turn to those alternative technologies that are already available (for example, solar power) has been hindered by the fact that they are often less profitable or require changes in social organization to be implemented effectively.  As a result, greater emphasis is placed on: (1) nuclear energy (a Faustian bargain if there ever was one); and (b) carbon capture and sequestration technology for coal-fired plants, which is neither economically nor ecologically feasible at present, and hence only serves to keep coal, the dirtiest fossil fuel, going.  Beyond this the only option that the vested interests (the 1% and their hangers-on) have left is to push for geoengineering technologies.  This involves such measures as dumping sulfur dioxide particles in the atmosphere to block the suns rays (with the danger that photosynthesis might be decreased), or fertilizing the ocean with iron to promote algal growth and absorb carbon (with the possibility that dead zones might expand).  These geoengineering schemes are extremely dubious in terms of physics, ecology, and economics: all three.  They involve playing God with the planet.  Remember the Sorcerer’s Apprentice!

Nevertheless, such technological fantasies, bordering on madness, continue to gain support at the top.  This is because attempts to shift away from our currently wasteful society in the direction of rational conservation, involving changes in our way of life and our form of production, are considered beyond the pale — even when the very survival of humanity is at stake.

The other approach is to demand changes in society itself; to move away from a system directed at profits, production, and accumulation, i.e., economic growth, and toward a sustainable steady-state economy.  This would mean reducing or eliminating unnecessary and wasteful consumption and reordering society — from commodity production and consumption as its primary goal, to sustainable human development.  This could only occur in conjunction with a move towards substantive equality.  It would require democratic ecological and social planning.  It therefore coincides with the classical objectives of socialism.

Such a shift would make possible the reduction in carbon emissions we need.  After all, most of what the U.S. economy produces in the form of commodities (including the unnecessary, market-related costs that go into the production of nearly all goods) is sheer waste from a social, an ecological — even a long-term economic — standpoint.  Just think of all the useless things we produce and that we are encouraged to buy and then throw away almost the moment we have bought them.  Think of the bizarre, plastic packaging that all too often dwarfs the goods themselves.  Think of military spending, running in reality at $1 trillion a year in the United States.  Think of marketing (i.e. corporate spending aimed at persuading people to buy things they don’t want or need), which has reached $1 trillion a year in this country alone.  Think of all the wasted resources associated with our financial system, with Wall Street economics.  It is this kind of waste that generates the huge profits for the top 1 percent of income earners, and that alienates and impoverishes the lives of the bottom 99 percent, while degrading the environment.8

What we need therefore is to change our economic culture.  We need an ecological and social revolution.  We have all the technologies necessary to do this.  It is not primarily a technological problem, because the goal here would no longer be the impossible one of expanding our exploitation of the earth beyond all physical and biological limits, ad infinitum.  Rather the goal would be to promote human community and community with the earth.  Here we would need to depend on organizing our local communities but also on creating a global community — where the rich countries no longer imperialistically exploit the poor countries of the world.  You may say that this is impossible, but the World Occupy Movement would have been declared impossible only a month ago.  If we are going to struggle, let us make our goal one of ecological and social revolution — in defense of humanity and the planet.

Notes



John Bellamy Foster is the editor of Monthly Review.  He is the author of What Every Environmentalist Needs to Know about Capitalism (with Fred Magdoff), The Ecological Rift, The Ecological Revolution, The Great Financial Crisis, Marx’s Ecology, Ecology against Capitalism, and The Vulnerable Planet.  

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