Japan’s kow-towing to US is leading to ecological destruction on a majestic reef

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by Gavan McCormack


 

In the first weekend of October 2020, at Oura Bay on the northern fringes of the Japanese island of Okinawa, a spectacular mass coral spawning event occurred. Little attention was paid to it other than by environmentalists and divers.

Two months later, when the Australian Great Barrier Reef underwent the same mass spawning, the event became a cause for national celebration, given extensive coverage on Australian and (to a lesser extent) global television and print media.

FACT: More than 70% of US bases in Japan are crammed into the small island prefecture of Okinawa, which comprises only 0.6% of Japan’s landmass. Formerly an independent kingdom, Okinawa has now become a de facto military colony of Japan and the United States, with the former acting mainly as police enforcer, and the latter as military occupier.—Editor

Both were seen as celebrations of life, yet there was a shadow over them. Vijay Prashad, who has written on the plight of coral worldwide, noted that the UN Environment Program projects comprehensive bleaching and death of coral worldwide by the 2040s “if the current levels of inaction persist”.

Could such magnificent life forms, undisturbed in some cases for thousands of years, really be in terminal crisis? And, could the muted response to the Japanese event be attributable in part to government anxiety lest its contribution to the demise of Oura Bay coral be exposed?

Expert reports confirm that live reef coverage is shrinking steadily around the world, as are the forests of seagrass and kelp. The damage wrought by ocean warming (together with chemical and plastic pollution) is set to become irreversible unless tackled by a huge collective human effort.

Although Okinawa’s Oura Bay is relatively tiny (just under 11 square kilometres in area), it rivals the enormous Australian reef in biodiversity, hosting a veritable cornucopia including around 426 coral species (among them the rare blue coral, heliopora coerulia) compared to the Barrier Reef’s 436.


Okinawa’s governor refers to the Bay as host to 5,800 biota species, making it “at least twice as rich” as the sea around Galapagos. In its environs are hundreds of species of seagrasses, crustaceans, molluscs, echinoderms, sea snakes. Of these, 262 are classified as endangered, including the dugong, which has been accustomed to graze, cow-like, on sea-floor grasses.

Adjacent to Oura Bay, in the forest that sweeps down almost to the sea, are multiple species, many of them rare and endangered, including the Okinawa rail (yambarukuina, only “discovered in 1981), Prior’s woodpecker, Temminck Robin, Ryukyu wood pigeon, fresh-water goby, warty salamander, Holst’s frog and Namie’s frog.

In such an ecological hotspot, teeming with life at the juncture of forest and sea, Japan’s government, in consultation with the US government, insists that a huge new military facility must be constructed for the US Marine Corps. So strategically attractive is this site, overlooking the East China Sea, that the Pentagon planned, and would have carried out, such a scheme in the late 1960s during the Vietnam War except that it would have had to pay for it itself.

Thirty years later, Okinawa’s Oura Bay was conceived as a site for a “heliport” that would  allow the return to Japan of Futenma Marine Air Station (situated in the midst of Ginowan City, about an hour’s drive away). The “heliport” grew to become a comprehensive, multi-functional air, sea, land military base, to be built on a reclaimed sector of the Bay. Courtesy of Japanese taxpayers, the Pentagon now is to get this free.

From 2012, no world leader did more to ingratiate himself with Donald Trump than Japan’s Abe Shinzo (Prime Minister 2012-2020), whose policies, since his resignation, have been maintained  by Suga Yoshihide. For both Abe and Suga, core national policy is to please the US, whoever is in power. What observers refer to as the “closeness” of ties between the two governments is essentially this servility. Proponents of the “Quad” enthuse over such US-Japan relationship and see Trump-Abe, Trump-Suga or, henceforth, Suga-Biden, “coordination” of security policy as a model for Australia.

While the Japanese Government has pushed this project relentlessly, the people of Okinawa have continually made clear their opposition, at local and national elections, by resolutions of the prefectural parliament, by multiple opinion polls, by statements from the Governor, by a prefectural plebiscite (in 2019), but to no avail. The present prefectural governor, Tamaki Denny, like his predecessor, took office after pledging to stop construction.

Construction, which began in 2017 and has occasionally temporarily halted, as during the height of the pandemic, never actually stops. The completion date at Oura Bay is expected at the earliest 2030, quite possibly much later. The strategic assumption underpinning the process is that hostility between Japan and China will continue indefinitely and that Japan will remain a US protectorate, with Okinawa a joint military colonial possession of both countries. In that frame, on one side stand the Okinawan people, the democratic resistance, and on the other, the defence regimes of Washington and Tokyo, joined under the “Quad” concept by Australia (and India).

The current works require solving multiple complex problems, not just political but also engineering. The government is proceeding on the basis of the consent extracted from Okinawan governor Nakaima Hirokazu in December 2013, contrary to his earlier electoral pledge and so plainly counter to the wishes of the Okinawan people that the Prefectural Assembly denounced him for perfidy and the electorate dismissed him at the earliest opportunity (2014).

By 2018 it was clear that the floor of the Bay was composed of a tofu-like substance that will require – if indeed it can ever be successfully managed – reinforcement by insertion of 71,000 support pillars, some of them 90 metres long. It also became clear that the same bay floor was crossed by geological fault lines.

For the significantly altered project, fresh prefectural consent became necessary. For that the national government submitted a formal request in April 2020. When Governor Tamaki invited public comment, a remarkable 18,904 people responded with a substantial, possibly overwhelming, majority expected to demand the prefecture say No. The Governor’s formal response is due any day now.

Today, the national government is doing everything possible to lock in reclamation as fait accompli and the prefecture strives to block or delay works.

On the American side the repeated project delays, and the unflagging Okinawan resistance, feeds doubt about the feasibility of the project. The Marine Corps’ own analyst, Mark Canciun, wrote in the Corps 2020 report (US Military Forces in FY 2021, Marine Corps) that it appears unlikely that the Henoko base construction plan will ever be completed. On the Japanese side, however, doubt is anathema.

A project that makes neither economic, political, military, nor, least of all, ecological sense goes ahead as part of Japan’s “clientelist” posture and as part of its contribution to the Quad. The one part of today’s Japan that had a 500-year history of close and friendly relations with China (as the then Ryukyu Kingdom, prior to incorporation by force into the modern Japanese state in 1872) becomes locked into cross-China Sea militarised confrontation.

Threatened are not only its coral but all its biota, humanity included. One reason Okinawan resistance to the Oura Bay base project is so determined is that Okinawan people learned 75 years ago in the most bitter imaginable way the consequence of submission to military priorities. Armies, they came to understand, offered neither security nor safety but tended to oppress, expose and, ultimately, sacrifice civilian populations.

The coral of Oura Bay and of Australia’s Great Barrier Reef will not survive without the mobilisation of civil society to combat both global warming and militarisation. The Okinawan movement to save Oura Bay constitutes a model of non-violent, civil engagement counter to the recently articulated “Quad” design (“Strategic Framework for the Indo-Pacific”) of ever-closer coordination and China containment, under US direction.

By attributing the highest policy priority to the reclamation and militarisation of Oura Bay, Japan exemplifies the Quad spirit. Should it wish to demonstrate that same spirit, Australia might set about reclaiming part of the Great Barrier Reef as a site for the Pentagon to establish a comprehensive military facility there. 


Gavan McCormack is emeritus professor of Australian National University, editor of the Asia-Pacific journal Japan Focus and author of many works on modern Japan and East Asia, which are commonly translated and published also in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean.

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Guillaume Rochat
wrote:

To the rest of the world the US is a problem child, unschooled, wayward, and dangerous in its clumsy [way of] oppression. Because oppression it is, by way of baksheesh, economic blackmail, pay-offs for performed duties and simple blindness. Alain Joxe, the eminent French political strategist describes it best in his ‘Empire of disorder’ which makes it clear that the ruling country is an empire of devastated regions, not an owner of territories. The US is not in strictest analysis a traditional empire, but it demands [obedience] and bullies the world into compliance. That this is coming to an end causes the disorder to come home to roost and no country seems to be in the flux of contradictory streams like the US. The Biden effort to contain this divergence and ‘unite’ the country is from the start already displaced by his condemnation of the other side, the Trumpers, who as [Caleb] Maupin correctly calls it are the victims of Trump’s Maga promises, whereby they were lifted into relevance. Because they are the hoi polloi, severely indoctrinated and used by the ‘system’, these hordes, as Lenin said, unschooled and thus reactionary, asserted their presence by occupying the rare and forbidden territory of their own government. It shows the utter contradictions of American propaganda, that guarantees representation without power, equality without protection, while demanding a total belief in the spurious goodness of the US state. That they were cynically used in the Capitol riot by Trump and by his antagonists, results in that the country is slowly sinking into a full censorship [regime] and in an immediate return to the neo-liberal straitjacket. Exactly because its workers are no longer needed in a US economy that can use cheap labor elsewhere, these hordes as demonstrated in Trump’s rallies, show that he used their legitimate unrest as a cudgel against his bourgeois opponents (much what Mussolini did in Italy in the 1920/30’s). There is nothing [totally] new under the sun, populists are a common trend in the US political scene, and more of that kind will arise. 



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Japan’s Secret Unit 731 – Where Biological Warfare Was Conceived.

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By David William Pear


In December 1949, 12 members of Japan's Kwantung Army faced trial in Khabarovsk for the atrocities they'd committed while developing biological weapons and testing them on prisoners of war. But Shiro Ishii, the head of the unit, never faced the tribunal. Instead, he was offered immunity and taken to the US, where he masterminded biological warfare during the Korean War. Until today, the US continues developing biological weapons in its dual-purpose labs, like the Lugar Laboratory in Georgia, and multiple facilities in Ukraine, whose activities have been causing alarm. Shiro Ishii's successors allegedly continue their experiments on human subjects.


Shiro Ishii, the head of the unit 731
(Image by Wikipedia (commons.wikimedia.org), Author: Masao Takezawa)

Source for this report is RT.com

 
 

David is a Senior Editor for OpEdNews, and a Senior Contributing Editor for The Greanville Post. David is a progressive columnist writing on foreign affairs, economic, and political and social issues. His articles have been published by OpEdNews, The Greanville Post, The Real News Network, Truth Out, Consortium News, Global Research, The American Herald Tribune, and many other publications. He is active in social issues relating to peace, race relations and religious freedom, homelessness and equal justice. David is a member of Veterans for Peace, Saint Pete for Peace, CodePink, and International Solidarity Movement.


In 2019 David spent 2 months in Russia on one of his frequent people-to-people peace missions. In 2017 David spent 3 weeks in South Korea researching the Korean War of 1950 to 1953. In 2016 David spent 10 weeks in Palestine with the Palestinian lead non-violent resistance group International Solidarity Movement, and returned again in 2018. In February of 2015 he was part of a people-to-people delegation to Cuba with CodePink. In November of 2015 he was a delegate with CodePink to Palestine to show solidarity with Palestinians.  David is a Special Forces combat veteran of the illegal U.S. war of aggression against the people of Vietnam. In 1999 he returned to Vietnam for 3 weeks on a mission of reconciliation and peace.


In 2009 David retired from Morgan Stanley after 35 years as a Senior Vice President, CIMA and CFP. David resides in the Tampa Bay Area of Florida. His hobbies include boating, RV'ing and motorcycle touring. He is also a licensed skydiver (USPA-inactive), with over 300 free-fall parachute jumps. [His articles are licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 4.0 International License.]



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After Hiroshima and Nagasaki: U.S. and Australian Brutalisation of Women on the Japanese Mainland

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This article is part of a series on disgusting US-led imperialism

by A.B. Abrams for The Saker Blog
THIS IS A REPOST (BOOK PUBLISHED IN March 2019)

Power and Primacy: The History of Western Intervention in the Asia-Pacific, which was an attempt to fill what I saw as a gap in scholarship on the subject. I found that while several scholars had covered individual cases of Western powers intervening in the region, from David Easter and Geoffrey B. Robinson’s works on the Western-engineered coup and massacres in Indonesia of an estimated 500,000 to 3 million people[1] – to Bruce Cumings and Hugh Deane’s works on the Korean War, there were no major works assessing broader trends and consistencies in Western intervention. Power and Primacy was thus written to show the consistencies in Western designs towards the region and the means used to achieve them over a period of more than 70 years, from the Pacific War which began in 1941 to Western policies towards China and North Korea today.

This month marks the 75th anniversary of the dismantling of the Japanese Empire, and the famous declaration by General Douglas MacArthur that, with the region’s only non-Western military power and the world’s only non-Western naval power now defeated, ‘The Pacific is now an Anglo-Saxon lake.’ While the U.S. and its allies portrayed themselves as a benevolent and democratising force in the region, the darker aspects of East Asia’s time under the new hegemon, which starkly contradict this, have seen very little discussion or coverage. It is notable, for example, that after the Japanese Empire’s fall not only did living standards in southern Korea fall dramatically after it was placed under the rule of an American military government, but mass rapes, the use of comfort women, and serious human trafficking – the very things used by many to justify the American embargo on Japan which had started hostilities in 1941 – not only continued but were expanded under U.S. control. The government of Syngman Rhee, the Princeton-educated Christian radical the U.S. placed in power, killed 2% of its population at the most conservative estimate within five years, placing hundreds of thousands more in concentration camps and exercising a level of brutality not seen even under the Japanese Empire.

This book is priced out of the reach of most people: USD$36 and USD$100, for kindle and print versions. respectively. Amazon shows no reviews. It's almost as if the book had been deliberately confined to limbo, keeping it out of large audiences.

With Japan today having seen 75 uninterrupted years with tens of thousands of Western soldiers based on its territory, where they appear set to remain indefinitely, this is a suitable time to reflect on the nature of the relationship between the country and the West – which is very far from that of equal sovereign powers with shared goals and ideals. Evidence for this has ranged from massive involvement of American intelligence in the political process, including funding pro-Western political parties and supporting their election campaigns,[2] to the testimonies of multiple officials. Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, for example, noted regarding his country’s inability to reach a deal with Russia over the Kuril Islands due to an effective American veto over all major foreign policy decisions: “I think it represents a big problem that when making foreign policy decisions, Tokyo is always guided by the United States’ approach. Japan depends on America.” He further stated: “The Japanese media and government… always take America’s side. Tokyo is dependent on the US’ views … Japan will continue to side with America and the G7 countries.”[3] Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama, who in the 1950s had also sought to resolve the dispute with Moscow and sign a peace treaty on the basis that Japan would receive two of the four islands, was harshly threatened by the U.S. and was ultimately forced to concede to Washington’s demands not to go through with an agreement. Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori came to a similar conclusion regarding the country’s lack of effective sovereignty in an interview with Russian state media in 2018. [4]

Beyond these political indicators, however, are more human indicators of the nature of America’s place in post-war Japan which cannot be overlooked, and which contrast very strongly with portrayals in the vast majority of Western media including both documentaries and popular media. An extract from the book Power and Primacy, pages 66-69, given below, recently reached over 3 million viewers on social media and highlighted the true consequences for Japan’s population of subjugation by the United States. The full references are provided in the book itself. Perhaps most importantly, this is not presented as an isolated set of cases of U.S. and Western conduct towards an East Asian population placed under their power – rather it is part of a much wider trend which if anything was considerably more extreme in Vietnam and in both South and North Korea – the latter of which was briefly occupied by U.S. forces in 1950. An understanding of the past is key to comprehending the nature of Western involvement in the Asia-Pacific region today, which is why I found that this project was particularly essential now in light of the ‘Pivot to Asia,’ the North Korean nuclear crisis, the Trump administration’s recent ‘Tech War’ on China and other key events which have increasingly placed the region at the centre of determining the future of world order.

Text Start:


There was a far darker side to the U.S. and allied occupation of Japan, one which is little mentioned in the vast majority of histories – American or otherwise. When Japan surrendered in August 1945, mass rapes by occupying forces were expected… [despite setting up of a comfort women system which recruited or otherwise trafficked desperate women to brothels] such crimes were still common and several of them were extremely brutal and resulted in the deaths of the victims. Political science professor Eiji Takemae wrote regarding the conduct of American soldiers occupying Japan:

‘U.S. troops comported themselves like conquerors, especially in the early weeks and months of occupation. Misbehavior ranged from black-marketeering, petty theft, reckless driving and disorderly conduct to vandalism, assault, arson, murder and rape. Much of the violence was directed against women, the first attacks beginning within hours after the landing of advanced units. In Yokohama, China and elsewhere, soldiers and sailors broke the law with impunity, and incidents of robbery, rape and occasionally murder were widely reported in the press [which had not yet been censored by the U.S. military government]. When U.S. paratroopers landed in Sapporo an orgy of looting, sexual violence and drunken brawling ensued. Gang rapes and other sex atrocities were not infrequent […] Military courts arrested relatively few soldiers for their offences and convicted even fewer, and restitution for the victims was rare. Japanese attempts at self-defense were punished severely. In the sole instance of self-help that General Eichberger records in his memoirs, when local residents formed a vigilante group and retaliated against off-duty GIs, the Eighth Army ordered armored vehicles in battle array into the streets and arrested the ringleaders, who received lengthy prison terms.

The U.S. and Australian militaries did not maintain rule of law when it came to violations of Japanese women by their own forces, neither were the Japanese population allowed to do so themselves. Occupation forces could loot and rape as they pleased and were effectively above the law.

An example of such an incident was in April 1946, when approximately U.S. personnel in three trucks attacked the Nakamura Hospital in Omori district. The soldiers raped over 40 patients and 37 female staff. One woman who had given birth just two days prior had her child thrown on the floor and killed, and she was then raped as well. Male patients trying to protect the women were also killed. The following week several dozen U.S. military personnel cut the phone lines to a housing block in Nagoya and raped all the women they could capture there – including girls as young as ten years old and women as old as fifty-five.

Such behavior was far from unique to American soldiers. Australian forces conducted themselves in much the same way during their own deployment in Japan. As one Japanese witness testified: ‘As soon as Australian troops arrived in Kure in early 1946, they ‘dragged young women into their jeeps, took them to the mountain, and then raped them. I heard them screaming for help nearly every night.’ Such behavior was commonplace, but news of criminal activity by Occupation forces was quickly suppressed.

Australian officer Allan Clifton recalled his own experience of the sexual violence committed in Japan:

‘I stood beside a bed in hospital. On it lay a girl, unconscious, her long, black hair in wild tumult on the pillow. A doctor and two nurses were working to revive her. An hour before she had been raped by twenty soldiers. We found her where they had left her, on a piece of waste land. The hospital was in Hiroshima. The girl was Japanese. The soldiers were Australians. The moaning and wailing had ceased and she was quiet now. The tortured tension on her face had slipped away, and the soft brown skin was smooth and unwrinkled, stained with tears like the face of a child that has cried herself to sleep.’

Australians committing such crimes in Japan were, when discovered, given very minor sentences. Even these were most often later mitigated or quashed by Australian courts. Clifton recounted one such event himself, when an Australian court quashed a sentence given by a military court martial citing ‘insufficient evidence,’ despite the incident having several witnesses. It was clear that courts overseeing Western occupation forces took measures to protect their own from crimes committed against the Japanese – crimes which were largely regarded as just access to ‘spoils of war’ at the time by the Western occupiers.

As had been the case during the war, underreporting of rapes in peace- time due to the associated shame in a traditional society and inaction on the part of authorities (rapes in both cases occurred when Western militaries were themselves in power) would lower the figures significantly. In order to prevent ill feeling towards their occupation from increasing, the United States military government implemented very strict censorship of the media. Mention of crimes committed by Western military personnel against Japanese civilians was strictly forbidden. The occupying forces ‘issued press and pre-censorship codes outlawing the publication of all reports and statistics “inimical to the objectives of the Occupation.”’ When a few weeks into the occupation Japanese press mentioned the rape and widespread looting by American soldiers, the occupying forces quickly responded by censoring all media and imposing a zero tolerance policy against the reporting of such crimes. It was not only the crimes committed by Western forces, but any criticism of the Western allied powers whatsoever which was strictly forbidden during the occupation period – for over six years. This left the U.S. military government, the supreme authority in the country, beyond accountability. Topics such as the establishment of comfort stations and encouragement of vulnerable women into the sex trade, critical analysis of the black market, the population’s starvation level calorie intakes and even references to the Great Depression’s impact on Western economies, anti-colonialism, pan-Asianism and emerging Cold War tensions were all off limits.

What was particularly notable about the censorship imposed under American occupation was that it was intended to conceal its own existence. This meant that not only were certain subjects strictly off limits, but the mention of censorship was also forbidden. As Columbia University Professor Donald Keene noted: ‘the Occupation censorship was even more exasperating than Japanese military censorship had been because it insisted that all traces of censorship be concealed. This meant that articles had to be rewritten in full, rather than merely submitting XXs for the offending phrases.’ For the U.S. military government it was essential not only to control information – but also to give the illusion of a free press when the press was in fact more restricted than it had been even in wartime under imperial rule.

By going one step further to censor even the mention of censorship itself, the United States could claim to stand for freedom of press and freedom of expression. By controlling the media the American military government could attempt to foster goodwill among the Japanese people while making crimes committed by their personnel and those of their allies appear as isolated incidents. While the brutality of American and Australian militaries against Japanese civilians was evident during the war and in its immediate aftermath, it did not end with occupation. The United States has maintained a significant military presence in Japan ever since and crimes including sexual violence and murder against Japanese civilians continue to occur.”

 

Text End

For Full Manuscript of Power and Primacy

Facebook

https://www.facebook.com/100803698404263/photos/a.101111128373520/106347284516571/

For A. B. Abrams’ Immovable Object: North Koreans 70 Years at War with American Power:

  1. ‘Indonesia’s killing fields,’ Al Jazeera, December 21, 2012. ‘Looking into the massacres of Indonesia’s past,’ BBC, June 2, 2016.
  2. Weiner, Time, ‘C. I. A. Spent Millions to Support Japanese Right in 50’s and 60’s,’ New York Times, October 9, 1994.
  3. ‘Stationing American troops in Japan will lead to bloody tragedy – ex-PM of Japan,’ RT, (televised interview), November 6, 2016.
  4. ‘Ex-Japan FM: I Told Putin We Follow U.S. Policy as We’re Surrounded by Nuke States,’ Sputnik, May 22, 2018.

Read it in your language • Lealo en su idioma • Lisez-le dans votre langue • Lies es in Deiner Sprache • Прочитайте это на вашем языке • 用你的语言阅读


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A Plutonium Experiment

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Michael K. Smith



Atomic cloud hangs over Nagasaki, as seen from Kyagi-jima, by Hiromichi Matsuda, Wikimedia Commons


 1945: Nagasaki

A piercing flash and supernatural thunderclap announce the world's first plutonium bomb in the skies over Nagasaki. At ground zero there are no screams or moans: for 1000 yards around the unsheltered perish before they can react.

The swath of destruction roars through the northern part of the city at 9000 miles an hour, making it rain debris. Houses and buildings are smashed, crushed, and burned. Stone is pulverized and tiles shoot through the air like bullets. The sturdy beams of the Mitsubishi Steelworks twist and turn like silly putty while roofs of reinforced concrete buildings crumple and collapse. Trees are ripped from the ground, utility poles snap like broken matchsticks, and a hurricane of shattered glass embeds countless shards in human flesh.

    Stunned survivors cup detached eyeballs back inside their skulls.

1945: Washington

"Based on a detailed investigation of all the facts . . . it is the Survey's opinion that certainly prior to 31 December 1945, and in all probability prior to 1 November 1945, Japan would have surrendered even if the atomic bombs had not been dropped, even if Russia had not entered the war, and even if no invasion had been planned or contemplated."

--The U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey


  Michael K. Smith has published three books, "The Greatest Story Never Told - A People's History of the American Empire, 1945-1999," "Portraits of Empire," and "The Madness of King George. His fourth book, "Rise to Empire," is forthcoming. He holds a B.A. in Psychology and a Master's Degree in Humanities. He has lived in Central America, Mexico, and Japan. He currently resides in the San Francisco Bay Area. Smith co-edits the blog  legalienate.blogspot.com with Frank Scott. 


 

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Speaking of military matters: The Russian Mi28 tactical helicopter; the unusual training of WW2 Japanese pilots

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The editors found these materials to be most interesting. They appeared first on Quora.


 
Nikolay Matyushev
Nikolay Matyushev, Russian, born in Sebastopol, lived in Moscow and London
 

During the battle of Midway, after Japan lost all of the aircraft carriers they brought to the battle, what happened to the Japanese planes that were in the air? Did they just all ditch in the ocean? If so, were any rescued?

 
Douglas C. Miller
Douglas C. Miller, Clinical Prof, Pathology & Anatomical Sci at University of Missouri School of Medicine(2007-present)

Bryan Jones
Bryan Jones
 
 
Howard Vorder Bruegge
Howard Vorder Bruegge, BS Psychology (1969)

Here is a bit more correct information for you. At Midway the Japanese lost 3 fleet carriers in the first attack. The Hiryu was separated and survived the initial destruction, but the admiral on Hiryu, Yamaguchi, was very sharp and aggressive. He may have gotten some planes from sunk carriers, but he sent everything he could to attack the American carriers. The Yorktown was reported sunk at least twice, and while it was damaged, it was a Japanese sub that torpedoed her, finally sinking her. Many of the Japanese planes were lost in the attack including a Japanese officer who took off knowing he had a fuel leak and would never make it back. Our radar gave us warning and Japnese attacks met resistance from our fighter planes as well as our anti-aircraft guns. The Hiryu was destroyed in a follow on attack. By the time this was done all the Jap carriers were burning and the planes were low on fuel from combat. The Japanese had two very small carriers with other elements but because of the strange and dispersed arrangement of fleet elements they were not that close (one escort carrier was with the battleships with Yamamoto) and I do not think any planes found refuge with them. There were two medium sized carriers that made the diversionary attack on Dutch Harbor, Alaska, but they were way way too far away. The Japanese plan was quite ridiculous and obfuscated, based on a foolish assumption that the American Navy would do what the Japanese expected and nothing else. The so called victory disease led them into thinking everything would keep going their way. Their dispersal of their ships and imagination of expected events was bizare. They had a convoluted plan to confuse and surprise us, but it backfired badly. They lost over 250 of their best pilots. Carrier division 3, Shokaku and Zuikaku, was back in Japan. One for repairs from Coral Sea and the other ship for replenishment of planes. Their philosophy of operating carriers in pairs was a basic tenet of their doctrine. At Midway they lost a cruiser also. As part of the fast cruiser group thet had been ordered to speed ahead to bombard the island and possibly sink American carriers, but they were recalled when Yamamoto decided to cut his losses and withdraw. In maneuvering to avoid an American submarine attack SW of Midway the cruisers Mogami and Mikuma collided, doing serious damage. One was sunk by dive bombers and the other limped back to Japan.

 
Joe Goldberg
I am not sure that there is a single aviation power that has ever left a marooned aircraft in the air after a defeat. Gravity is a law-aircraft obey the law.
 


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