Obituary Politics: Todd Gitlin Puts Down Ed Herman

HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.


Dr. Herman was primarily responsible for the manifesto “Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media” (1988), which he wrote with Professor Chomsky. It concluded that “market forces, internalized assumptions and self-censorship” motivate newspapers and television networks to stifle dissent…

Dr. Herman’s articles, interviews, letters and nearly 20 books defied popular convention and animated public debate on a broad range of issues, including corporate power, human rights and wars waged by the United States in Vietnam and Iraq.

His other books included “The Political Economy of Human Rights” (1979), also written with Professor Chomsky; “Corporate Control, Corporate Power: A Twentieth Century Fund Study” (1981); and “The Global Media” (1997), with Robert McChesney.

Roberts quotes Todd Gitlin, the Official Historian of the 1960s, expressing contempt for Herman (and Chomsky) in words so incredibly asinine I had to re-read them:

“If we consider mainstream media to be nothing but propagandistic,” said the author Todd Gitlin, a journalism and sociology professor at Columbia University, “we have no vocabulary left to condemn the likes of Fox News and Breitbart.”

Should we chip in and send him a thesaurus?

Gitlin

Professor Gitlin also criticizes Herman and Chomsky for decrying the US bombing of Cambodia more bitterly than they decried the Khmer Rouge regime that ensued. He ignores the fact that Herman and Chomsky were US citizens trying to influence their own government.  Also, that precipitating events, though less dramatic than what ensues, are more significant tactically if your goal is to prevent reoccurence of what ensued.

The Times’ obit quoted five academics who expresed varying degrees of admiration for Herman, ending with:

Jeff Cohen, an Ithaca College professor and founder of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, recalled on the group’s website last week that in the 1997 film “Good Will Hunting,” the title character, played by Matt Damon, heartily recommends Howard Zinn’s best-selling “A People’s History of the United States” to his therapist, played by Robin Williams. Like Dr. Herman, Professor Zinn was a self-described democratic socialist.

“Better than Chomsky’s ‘Manufacturing Consent’?” the therapist replies.

When the movie was released, Mr. Cohen wondered whether Dr. Herman was upset at being slighted by the script.

“I asked Ed if he felt left out,” Mr. Cohen wrote. “Not at all — the movie ‘will bring our book more attention, more readers.’ Pure Ed.”

By coincidence, a couple of lifetimes ago I was denied credit for something I’d devised by this very same Todd Gitlin —and like Pure Ed, I didn’t resent it at all. In the early ’60s, Gitlin was a honcho in the Harvard peace group, Tocsin. (A tocsin is a bell that tolls a warning; only at Harvard would they call the peace group by a name most Americans hear as a synonym for poison.) I never joined because I was a reporter on the Crimson, took myself way too seriously, and wished to avoid a formal conflict of interest. I had friends in Tocsin, shared their goal —nuclear disarmament— and went on their marches.

Over the summer of ’61 or ’62, I read a book by a sociologist named Seymour Melman, who pointed out that when civilian factory workers produce a guided missile for “national defense,” the missile sits on a launch pad and creates no new jobs for civilians. But if that same factory produced a bus for public transportation, the bus would employ drivers and mechanics to do maintenance and make repairs and produce spare parts and so forth. If memory serves, Melman projected that a New York City bus would create 40 jobs over the course of its usable lifetime.

That fall I contacted a friend in Boston, Harvey Gold, who worked for the Teamsters (or was it the ILGWU?) and had connections with the Electrical Workers. Harvey arranged for me and some other antiwar students to speak at union meetings, where we made Melman’s case for disarmament. I wrote a leaflet called “The Issue is Jobs” that we distributed outside the Raytheon plant on Route 128. Tocsin members were involved but Tocsin didn’t sponsor the two or three union-meeting speaking gigs we pulled off.

At some point that semester a man named Gar Alperovitz came to speak at Harvard.  He was a legislative aide to Rep. Kastenmeier of Wisconsin. Maybe Tocsin had invited him. I didn’t meet Alperovitz or hear his talk, but Gitlin subsequently declared that Gar Alperovitz, had devised a novel tactic: Tocsin should carry its message to union members in the Boston area! Gitlin even coined a name for this tactic. He called it “Alperovitzing,” which was neither mellifluous nor justified, but was certainly flattering to Mr. A.  I was glad to see Tocsin pursuing the approach and didn’t attach much significance to having thought it up.

By the start of the ’70s I had split with the classy left and written some leaflets critical of SDS leadership. Gitlin never forgave the affront. In 1988, when the Harvard class of ’63 held its 25th reunion and Tocsin had its own private get-together, he insisted that I not be invited because —he told friends who remarked my absence— my presence would have inhibited people from sharing their soulful intellectual intimacies.

It wasn’t until I was in my seventies and struggling to pay the mortgage that being denied credit for an original idea stirred my resentment. Ed Herman, bless him, was a tenured professor who could afford to be selfless to the end.

How many people read “Corrections?”

The New York Times corrects some whopping mistakes on a daily basis. By listing them along with the minor mis-spellings, their importance is somehow downplayed. The Ed Herman obit was followed by this item November 27:

An earlier version of this obituary referred incorrectly to Dr. Herman and Noam Chomsky’s arguments about genocide in Rwanda and, during the Bosnia war, Srebrenica. Those arguments did not appear in their book “Manufacturing Consent,” which was published several years before those genocides.

Add Gitlin Puke-inducers

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he coffee-table book version of The Vietnam War,” based on the film version of the series by Ken Burns and Lynn Novick,”  includes five essays. The one by Todd Gitlin is called “Vietnam and the Movement.” The Sage of the Sixties repeats his thesis that “the Weatherman faction of Students for a Democratic Society destroyed the largest left-wing organization in the country.” This line may be superficially true but it’s profoundly misleading. The Weathemen could not have taken over SDS if there had been functional chapters doing meaningful political work on the campuses. Tom Hayden and the other national leaders, including Gitlin, failed to build an organization. (That would have involved real work, not just speechifying.) What the Weathercreeps took over was the hollow shell of an organization, a mere brand.

Gitlin’s essay concludes:

“The movement receded in memory —more a long moment than a movement. But in the lives of millions, what a moment it was.”

Thus the aging professor looks back with fond nostalgia on the years when he was president of SDS and a leader of the classy left. But for millions of us, the Vietnam War keeps recurring in memory —more a nightmare than a worthy cause. Lost friends. Lost youth. Lost pride. Just a fucked-up nightmare.

The Other “Movement” Spokesman

[dropcap]B[/dropcap]urns and Novick’s go-to expert on the anti-war movement in the film series is Bill Zimmerman. Like Gitlin in print, Zimmerman on camera exudes self-satisfaction. Like Gitlin’s, his post-movement career has been very successful. He moved Santa Monica with Tom Hayden in the early ’70s and slurked into electoral politics. In 1996 Zimmerman was funded by George Soros and other enlightened billionaires to take over the Proposition 215 campaign from the grassroots organizers led by Dennis Peron (an Air Force vet, BTW, who lost count of how many body bags he had to load during the Tet offensive).

Here’s another coincidence: Like Gitlin, Bill Zimmerman had me blackballed!

In December 2011, needing to pay the printer, I asked a wealthy college classmate for a donation to O’Shaughnessy’s. He emailed my plea to another wealthy man, a proponent of medical marijuana named Chuck Blitz. Chuck Blitz then consulted with his friends Bill Zimmerman and Rick Doblin (director of the Multidisciplinary Association of Psychedelic Studies)

This is Zimmerman’s response (forwarded by my wealthy classmate):

I’m sorry, guys, despite Rick’s positive experiences with Fred, I’ve had only the opposite.   I consider him to be one of the most dishonest journalists in the business.   He has a narrow and overly ideological approach to everything he does, especially in the medical marijuana arena where he has always been an acolyte of Dennis Peron.   His writing has been full of inaccuracies designed solely to push the Peron perspective, and as a result, he has often done damage to the larger cause of medical marijuana.   He’s bad news, and any support he gets going forward is likely to have more negative impacts, especially with a new medical marijuana initiative possibly heading for the California ballot. Sorry.   —Bill Z.

Zimmerman cced Ethan Nadelmann of the Drug Policy Alliance  to show that he was on the job

I emailed Zimmerman, asking him to cite any inaccuracies in my reporting (and never heard back, of course). I also wrote him:

As for dishonesty…  I can think of one lie of omission involving you, Bill.  Circa 2000 when you were promoting an admirable initiative — treatment-not-incarceration, I think— and I was Hallinan’s PIO, you came to SFDA to meet with him. (I later helped organize a well-attended forum  in support of your campaign.)   Before you left the office you asked Terence to sign something, which he did unhesitatingly and with barely a glance. His #2, Darryl Saloman, was appalled and said (as soon as you left),  “How can you just sign something so important without reading it?” Terence told him, “Oh I go back a long way with Bill Zimmerman. He was in the DuBois Clubs.” Darryl probably didn’t know what the DuBois Club were, but I did. And I wondered if Terence had  signed the Prop 215 ballot arguments that in the same trusting way. The reason I never wrote about this little episode, besides the fact that my old boss doesn’t come off looking good, is the implication that the medical marijuana movement was actually the product of a Communist conspiracy. Which I, as an acolyte of Dennis Peron, don’t believe for a minute.

The Prop 215 ballot arguments, drafted by Zimmerman, portrayed Prop 215 as merely an affirmative defense in court —cops could keep arresting and DAs could keep prosecuting people on marijuana charges. Judges would cite the ballot arguments in denying defendants’ pleas to get charges dropped on the grounds that they were medical users. Doctors had to appear in court on their patients’ behalf.  In December ‘96 Zimmerman told the Sacramento Bee that he approved of California Attorney General Dan Lungren’s “narrow interpretation” of the new law. 


About the Author
 Fred Gardner is the managing editor of O’Shaughnessy’s. He can be reached at fred@plebesite.com 

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

 ALL CAPTIONS AND PULL QUOTES BY THE EDITORS NOT THE AUTHORS

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Sex crackpot, liberal left hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein and his close connection to Obamas and Clintons

HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.

They loved Harvey when he was dishing out cash for their campaigns.

Bill Clinton and Miramax Chief, Harvey Weinstein at Hillary Clinton's Birthday Party at the Hudson Hotel in New York City. October 25, 2000. They deserve each other: The Weinsteins are notorious scumbags even by the ethically bankrupt Hollywood standards. (Photo: Nick Elgar/ImageDirect)

Hollywood producer and liberal left hero Harvey Weinstein has become toxic as a New York Times expose detailed decades of sexual harassment of aspiring actresses. Big surprise, who would have thought that liberal left Hollywood elites are complete hypocrites.

One power couple Weinstein was particularly fond of was the Clintons. We can see why Weinstein and Bill Clinton would get along. The conversations they must have had.

Weinstein was one of Hillary Clinton’s biggest donors, having raised millions for the pathetic loser Democratic presidential candidate.

Hillary Clinton has yet to disavow Weinstein’s actions or return his large financial contributions made to the Clinton campaign.

Page Six reported…

Harvey Weinstein is throwing a starry fundraiser for Hillary Clinton on Monday with co-hosts Leo DiCaprioJennifer LopezSarah Jessica Parker and Matthew Broderick.

Weinstein and his designer wife, Georgina Chapman, are planning a dinner and conversation with Clinton at their Manhattan home to benefit the Hillary Victory Fund.

We’re told the event will be for around 50. Weinstein has hosted fundraisers at his townhouse, as well as his home in Connecticut, for President Obama in 2011, ’12 and ’13.

According to The Gateway Pundit, the fundraiser for Clinton brought in $1.8 million.

From Deadline…

Something in the neighborhood of $1.8 million was raised at Harvey Weinstein’s star-packed fundraiser for Hillary Clinton in New York City Monday night, sources tell Deadline. The event for 50 or so Clinton supporters at Weinstein’s Manhattan home drew some major Hollywood names, including Leonardo DiCaprioJennifer Lopez, Sarah Jessica Parker and Matthew Broderick, Candice Bergen, Bethenny Frankel and designers Vera Wang and Tory Burch.

Weinstein threw a lavish concert for Hillary Clinton at the St. James Theatre…

THR wrote…

Hosted by Billy Crystal, the Oct. 17 evening at the St. James Theatre will include performances and appearances by Julia Roberts, Lin-Manuel Miranda, Hugh Jackman, Sarah Jessica Parker, Emily Blunt, Angela Bassett, Neil Patrick Harris, Helen Mirren and more.

Broadway is bulking up for Hillary Clinton.

Stephen Schwartz, Harvey Weinstein, Jordan Roth, Richie Jackson and Anna Wintour are producing a star-studded fundraiser concert in support of the Democratic presidential candidate. The show will be livestreamed on Clinton’s website as well as her campaign’s YouTube and Facebook pages

Weinstein was also a big supporter of former POTUS Barack Obama.

Michelle Obama gushed about what an “inspiration” Weinstein was.

White House archives from a 2013 event: “Remarks by the First Lady at Careers in Film Symposium.”

MRS. OBAMA:  Oh, I can tell.  I want to start by thanking Harvey Weinstein for organizing this amazing day.  (Applause.)  Harvey.  This is possible because of Harvey.  He is a wonderful human being, a good friend and just a powerhouse.  And the fact that he and his team took the time to make this happen for all of you should say something not about me or about this place, but about you.  Everybody — we are here because of you.

To be fair not all Democrats are remaining silent on Weinstein’s past.

Via The Gateway Pundit

According to ABC News’ Ali Rogan, a spokesperson for Senator Cory Booker says the 2020 hopeful is donating $7800 from the embattled Hollywood producer to New Jersey Coalition Against Sexual Assault. More Democrats have followed suit, including Sen. Elizabeth Warren.  [ Don't fall for these post-facto gestures; these two phonies are being groomed by the Democrats as possible replacement for the Obama franchise.—Editor]

Bottom line: Don't waste your time with "liberals", "left liberals" or any other label they float to camouflage their betrayals. They are 100% corporate shills, the enemy. Obviously, so are the Republicans and the deranged right, crammed with idiots, jingoists and fundamentalists, although their difference with liberals when it comes to the defence of the imperial state is virtually nil.

Read the truth and get a better political compass from a former left liberal of reliable moral fiber, Chris Hedges: 

The elites “have no credibility left:” An interview with journalist Chris Hedges


About the Author
Alex Christoforou is a senior editor with The Duran.

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.


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ALEX CHRISTOFOROU—Hollywood producer and liberal left hero Harvey Weinstein has become toxic as a New York Times expose detailed decades of sexual harassment of aspiring actresses. Big surprise, who would have thought that liberal left Hollywood elites are complete hypocrites. One power couple Weinstein was particularly fond of was the Clintons. We can see why Weinstein and Bill Clinton would get along. The conversations they must have had. Weinstein was one of Hillary Clinton’s biggest donors, having raised millions for the pathetic loser Democratic presidential candidate.


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There Is No Valid Counterpart to Right-Wing Violence (OpEd)

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HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.

Sonali Kolhatkar, Truthdig

Demonstrators prepare to enter Emancipation Park in Charlottesville, Va., on Aug. 17, hoisting Nazi, Confederate and "Don't Tread on Me" flags. (Anthony Crider)(CC-BY)


Fifty years ago, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. declared in a speech he gave at Riverside Church in New York that “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today” is “my own government.” Under the leadership of Donald Trump, that statement is perhaps truer today than ever before. The president has signaled time and again that he accepts the use of violence as a tool on the individual, departmental, state and international levels. Worse, media outlets and politicians, including some liberal ones, are helping to distort the narrative regarding which side of the political spectrum actively promotes violence.

The Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, the San Francisco Chronicle and other mainstream media outlets homed in on some videotaped instances of black-clad antifa (anti-fascist) protesters beating and chasing off right-wing activists in Berkeley, Calif., last weekend. Trump retweeted the words of notorious right-winger Dinesh D’Souza, who lauded that specific piece in the Post because, D’Souza said, it “admits the truth about where the violence is coming from.” And then, as if to ensure she would not be left out of the chorus of denunciations of anti-fascists, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi jumped on the bandwagon, proclaiming that the “violent actions of people calling themselves antifa in Berkeley this weekend deserve unequivocal condemnation, and the perpetrators should be arrested and prosecuted.”

But Shane Bauer, the reporter who videotaped and witnessed the incidents in Berkeley, wrote in Mother Jones that media outlets took his video out of context and that the reporter who wrote the Washington Post story was not even present in Berkeley that day. Indeed, many confrontations between anti-fascist activists and the white supremacists ended without violence, but most media outlets reduced the counterprotest coverage to the rare instances of “antifa” activists baring their teeth, ignoring the broader context of the event—including actual instances of fascist protesters pepper-spraying crowds of people.

There was nowhere near the same level of reporting and denunciations of violence from politicians when right-wing extremists invaded Berkeley earlier this year. While the Los Angeles Times did report on the clashes in April, it did not attribute violence directly to the fascists, choosing to dub the entire rally “violent” rather than singling out one side or another. The report also attempted to equate left- and right-wing violence, even though it was the right-wingers that went on the offensive.

The Washington Post also published a piece in April about how a white supremacist was caught punching a woman in the face at the earlier Berkeley rally. But the paper decided to give the man in question the benefit of the doubt by headlining the article, “A white supremacist is accused of punching a protester.” However, when anti-fascists were seen as the perpetrators, the paper decided against nuance in its headline and became a propaganda tool in the hands of D’Souza and Trump.

Editor's Note: The issue of violence in tumultuous times is always a contentious one, with liberals usually favoring an absolutistic ban on any "violence" on the left, as if the left was looking for ways to pick a fight with the establishment and its goon allies, so we do not claim to have the answers to that, except that self defence is both individually and politically legitimate in the presence of imminent threats to life and property. This piece by Sonali tries to lay down a clearer perspective, and we appreciate her effort, although at times both her tone and witnesses are too much of a liberaloid muzak to our ears, like quoting the despicable Joshua Holland as a man with some moral capital to pass judgment on these issues. We live in troubled and confused times. Hope this article helps, however limitedly. Read with caution. Let us just remember here that it is always the right that—through its endless abuses, injustices, stubborn ignorance, brutality, and hypocrisy— creates the left.—PG

The debate over who is really violent ought not to be a debate at all. Trump, the GOP and the American right promote and glorify violence and weapons to such an extreme degree that there ought to be no question. But in this age of Orwellian “fake news,” it bears reiterating who is truly guilty of violence.

During his campaign, Trump repeatedly celebrated violent behavior, even offering to pay the legal fees of those who beat up protesters at his rallies. He has continued this behavior as president, most prominently when he reposted a video on Twitter showing him beating up on a wrestler who had CNN’s logo superimposed over his face. And, of course, his initial silence over the fascist brutality in Charlottesville, followed by multiple attempts to downplay the white supremacy on display or equate it with the behavior of the counterprotests, spoke volumes.

It was the president’s fans and allies who viciously beat Deandre Harris and killed Heather Heyer in Charlottesville. A post-election spike in hate crimesagainst Muslims was attributed to Trump supporters. And now one of the president’s prominent boosters, televangelist Jim Bakker, has gone on recordsaying there will be a “civil war” if Trump is impeached. Given how many firearms members of the far right have stockpiled, there is every reason to believe him. As Joshua Holland pointed out in The Nation, “[T]he overwhelming majority of serious political violence—not counting vandalism or punches thrown at protests, but violence with lethal intent—has come from the fringes of the right.”

All told, there are very few degrees of separation between the ideology of violent hate groups and current and former members of Trump’s Cabinet. As documented by John Nichols, Stephen Miller, Kris Kobach—and to an extent, Steve Bannon and Sebastian Gorka, who are no longer formally associated with the president but who will likely continue to operate from the outside to bolster his power—all advocate white supremacist, anti-Muslim, anti-Semitic and anti-immigrant views.

In addition to these obvious sources of violence on the right are those we tend to take for granted, such as how the right actively promotes state violence against communities of color. Trump came into the presidency embracing law enforcement, essentially claiming the pro-police mantra of “Blue Lives Matter,” when he eulogized slain officers earlier this year, declaring that “[e]very drop of blood spilled from our heroes in blue is a wound inflicted upon the whole country”—while making no mention of the many African-Americans and others who have been killed by police. That proof of how much more he values the police over ordinary Americans has been highlighted by his Justice Department’s moves to pull back investigations of police departments that were under federal consent decrees to fix racial biases in policing, as well as by Trump’s order this week to resume gifting police with surplus military equipment and weapons. Essentially Trump and his supporters want police to have a free hand to brutalize and kill, and they are arming them to the teeth to do it.

The president and his Republican and extremist right-wing supporters have engaged in violent rhetoric and actions aimed at undocumented immigrants to a degree we have not seen in a long time in America. Trump’s Homeland Security Department has overseen a whopping 40 percent jump in arrests of undocumented immigrants this year compared to last year, making it clear there is no distinction anymore between violent felons and ordinary hard-working immigrants who may have strong family ties to the U.S. He appears to be inching toward dismantling DACA, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which would leave hundreds of thousands of young immigrants raised in the U.S. vulnerable to the cruelty of the immigration enforcement apparatus. Trump relishes the violence of the arrests, raids, detentions, swift deportations and wrenching apart of families, offering it up as red meat for his anti-immigrant supporters.

Trump has expanded his penchant for violence to the international realm, promising an open-ended war in Afghanistan. Refusing to specify how many more troops would be sent there or what conditions would have to be met in order to declare the war over, Trump has essentially turned over the war plan to the Pentagon, and already we are witnessing the results: At least 11 civilians were killed by U.S. air strikes in southeastern Afghanistan this week. Trump has also sent U.S. military advisers and launched lethal air strikes on Somalia, and of course he has continued the wars in Iraq and Syria, supported Saudi Arabia’s brutal war in Yemen, given a green light to the Israeli government to continue oppressing Palestinians and engaged in a dangerous war of words with North Korea. U.S. military violence, which is usually promoted by leaders of both major parties, has now been ratcheted up significantly by Trump.

And then we have the violence of climate change unfolding before our eyes this week with the devastation wreaked by Hurricane Harvey in Texas. Global warming deniers have taken over our federal government, unshackling fossil fuel companies from the meager restrictions they faced under the previous administration. Trump is essentially enabling future deadly hurricanes and other forms of violent, extreme weather that climate change is bringing. He has been dismantling government programs like the flood risk management standard and wants to defund disaster preparedness agencies while handing over power to oil and gas interests through direct appointments to his Cabinet, such as naming Rex Tillerson, the former Exxon CEO, as his secretary of state. While Trump does not bear sole responsibility for the violence of climate change, as president he is doing everything he can to ensure that climate change accelerates—to the detriment of us all. And his supporters and party are cheering him along the way.

It is a shame that these assaults on the public need to be spelled out, given the evidence all around us. True, the right does not have a monopoly on violence, but it engages in violent rhetoric, embraces violent policies and commits violent actions to such a great extent that there is no comparison to how the rest of us, including those on the left, behave, speak and act. There is no equivalence between right-wing and left-wing violence. There is only a perception of equivalence that many on the right (and sadly, some on the liberal left) seem intent on advancing. 


About the Author
 Sonali Kolhatkar is a columnist for Truthdig. She also is the founder, host and executive producer of "Rising Up With Sonali," a television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV (Dish Network, DirecTV). 



The Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, the San Francisco Chronicle and other mainstream media outlets homed in on some videotaped instances of black-clad antifa (anti-fascist) protesters beating and chasing off right-wing activists in Berkeley, Calif., last weekend. Trump retweeted the words of notorious right-winger Dinesh D’Souza, who lauded that specific piece in the Post because, D’Souza said, it “admits the truth about where the violence is coming from.” And then, as if to ensure she would not be left out of the chorus of denunciations of anti-fascists, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi jumped on the bandwagon, proclaiming that the “violent actions of people calling themselves antifa in Berkeley this weekend deserve unequivocal condemnation, and the perpetrators should be arrested and prosecuted.”


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Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” -- acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump -- a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report 

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Why Can’t the U.S. Left Get Venezuela Right?

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HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.

By Shamus Cooke


As Venezuela’s fascist-minded oligarchy conspires with U.S. imperialism to overthrow the democratically elected government of Nicolas Maduro, few in the U.S. seem to care. Instead of denouncing rightwing violence that aims at regime change, many on the U.S. left have stayed silent, or opted to give an evenhanded analysis that supports neither the Maduro government nor the oligarchy trying to violently overthrow it. Rather, the left prioritizes its energy on lecturing on Maduro’s “authoritarianism” and the failures of “Chavismo.”

This approach allows leftists a cool emotional detachment to the fate of the poor in Venezuela, and clean hands that would otherwise be soiled by engaging with the messy, real life class struggle that is the Venezuelan revolution.


Venezuela's protests are really an upper/middle class revolt against what they perceive as "communism." It's the old calumny and class hatred inculcated in countless people. The US is currently actively fueling the disturbances and stoking a civil war.

A “pox on both houses” analysis omits the U.S. government’s role in collaborating with Venezuela’s oligarchs. The decades-long crimes of imperialism against Venezuela is aided and abetted by the silence of the left, or by its murky analysis that minimizes the perpetrator’s actions, focusing negative attention on the victim precisely at the moment of attack.

Any analysis of a former colonial country that doesn’t begin with the struggle of self-determination against imperialism is a dead letter, since the x-factor of imperialism has always been a dominant variable in the Venezuelan equation, as books by Eva Gollinger and others have thoroughly explained, and further demonstrated by the ongoing intervention in Latin America by an endless succession of U.S. presidents.

The Venezuelan-initiated anti-imperialist movement was strong enough that a new gravitational center was created, that pushed most of Latin America out of the grasp of U.S. domination for the first time in nearly a hundred years. This historic achievement remains minimized for much of the U.S. left, who remain indifferent or uneducated about the revolutionary significance of self-determination for oppressed nations abroad, as well as oppressed peoples inside of the U.S.


Regardless of Maduro’s many stumbles, it’s the rich who are revolting in Venezuela, and if they’re successful it will be the workers and poor who suffer a terrible fate. An analysis of Venezuela that ignores this basic fact belongs either in the trash bin or in the newspapers of the oligarchy.

A supporter of Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro holds a poster with a picture of late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez that reads "Vote for Chavez" during the last campaign rally with pro-government candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections, in Caracas © Carlos Garcia Rawlins / Reuters

A thousand valid criticisms can be made of Chavez, but he chose sides in the class fault lines and took bold action at critical junctures. Posters of Chavez remain in the homes of Venezuela’s poorest barrios because he proved in action that he was a champion for the poor, while fighting and winning many pitched battles against the oligarchy who wildly celebrated his death.

And while it’s necessary to deeply critique the Maduro government, the present situation requires the political clarity to take a bold, unqualified stance against the U.S.-backed opposition, rather than a rambling “nonpartisan” analysis that pretends a life or death struggle isn’t currently taking place.

Yes, a growing number of Venezuelans are incredibly frustrated by Maduro, and yes, his policies have exacerbated the current crisis, but while an active counter-revolutionary offensive continues the political priority needs to be aimed squarely against the oligarchy, not Maduro. There remains a mass movement of revolutionaries in Venezuela dedicated to Chavismo and to defending Maduro’s government against the violent anti-regime tactics, but it’s these labor and community groups that the U.S. left never mentions, as it would pollute their analysis.

The U.S. left seems blissfully unaware of the consequences of the oligarchy stepping into the power vacuum if Maduro was successfully ousted. Such a shoddy analysis can be found in Jacobin’s recent article, Being Honest About Venezuela, which focuses on the problems of Maduro’s government while ignoring the honest reality of the terror the oligarchy would unleashed if it returned to power.


How did the U.S. left get it so wrong?

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]hey’ve allowed themselves to get distracted by the zig-zags at the political surface, rather than the rupturing fault lines of class struggle below. They see only leaders and are blinded to how the masses have engaged with them.

Regardless of Maduro’s many stumbles, it’s the rich who are revolting in Venezuela, and if they’re successful it will be the workers and poor who suffer a terrible fate. An analysis of Venezuela that ignores this basic fact belongs either in the trash bin or in the newspapers of the oligarchy. Confusing class interests, or mistaking counter-revolution for revolution in politics is as disorienting as mistaking up for down, night for day.

The overarching issue remains the same since the Venezuelan revolution erupted in 1989’s Caracazo uprising, which initiated a revolutionary movement of working and poor people spurred to action by IMF austerity measures. How did Venezuela’s oligarchy respond to the 1989 protests? By killing hundreds if not thousands of people. Their return to power would unleash similar if not bloodier statistics.


Protesting the Vietnam war helped save the lives of Vietnamese, while the organizing in the 1980’s against the “dirty wars” in Central America limited the destruction levied by the U.S.-backed governments. In both cases the left fell short of what was needed, but at least they understood what was at stake and took action. Now consider the U.S. left of 2017, who can’t lift a finger to re-start the antiwar movement and who supported Bernie Sanders regardless of his longstanding affection for imperialism.

Chavez’s electoral victory meant — and still means — that the oligarchy lost control of the government and much of the state apparatus, a rare event in the life of a nation under capitalism. This contradiction is central to the confusion of the U.S. left: the ruling class lost control of the state, but the oligarchy retained control of key sectors of the economy, including the media.

But who has control of the state if not the oligarchy? It’s too simplistic to say the “working class” has power, because Maduro has not acted as a consistent leader of the working class, seeming more interested in trying to mediate between classes by making concessions to the oligarchy. Maduro’s overly-bureaucratic government also limits the amount of direct democracy the working class needs before the term “worker state” can be applied.

But Maduro’s power base remains the same as it was under Chavez: the working and poor people, and to that extent Maduro can be compared to a trade union president who ignores his members in order to seek a deal with the boss.

A trade union, no matter how bureaucratic, is still rooted in the workplace, its power dependent on dues money and collective action of working people. And even a weak union is better than no union, since removing the protection of the union opens the door to sweeping attacks from the boss that inevitably lower wages, destroy benefits and result in layoffs of the most “outspoken” workers. This is why union members defend their union from corporate attack, even if the leader of the union is in bed with the boss.

History is replete with governments brought forth by revolutionary movements but which failed to take the actions necessary to complete the revolution, resulting in a successful counter-revolution. These revolutionary governments often succeed in breaking the chains of neo-colonialism and allowed for an epoch of social reforms and working class initiative, depending on how long they lasted. Their downfall always results in a counter-revolutionary wave of violence, and sometimes a sea of blood.

This has happened dozens of times across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, where the class divisions are sharper, where imperialism plays a larger role, and where the class dynamics are more variegated: the poor are poorer, there is a larger informal labor force, a larger section of small shopkeepers, larger rural population, etc.

Chile's brutal dictator Pinochet seized power in 1973 after a long period of disturbances organized by the oligarchy and the CIA.  Incredibly, during his reign, something of a personality cult emerged, which persists to this day in various sectors of the population, including the lower middle class, and former members of the state security and military apparatus.

The example of Allende’s Chile could be compared to Maduro’s situation in Venezuela. Allende was far from perfect, but can anybody claim that Pinochet’s coup wasn’t a catastrophe for the Chilean working class? In Venezuela the counter-revolution would likely be more devastating, as the oligarchy would have to push back against decades of progress versus Allende’s short-lived government. If it came to power the street violence of the oligarchy would be given the resources of the state, aimed squarely at the working class and poor.

Maduro is no Chavez, it’s true, but he has kept most of Chavez’s victories intact, maintaining social programs in a time of crashing oil prices while the oligarchy demands “pro-market reforms.” He’s essentially kept the barking dogs of the oligarchy at bay, who, if unleashed, would ravage the working class.

The social contract we call Social Democracy in Europe wasn’t finalized until a wave of revolution struck after WWII. Although Maduro would likely be happy with such a social democratic agreement in Venezuela, such agreements have proven impossible in developing countries, especially at a time while global capitalism is attacking the social democratic reforms in the advanced countries.

The Venezuelan ruling class has no intention of accepting the reforms of Chavez, and why would they so long as U.S. imperialism invests heavily in regime change? A ruling class does not accept power-sharing until they face the prospect of losing everything. And nor should Venezuela’s working class accept a “social contract” under current conditions: they have unmet demands that require revolutionary action against the oligarchy. These contradictory pressures are at the heart of Venezuela’s still-unresolved class war, which inevitably leads either to revolutionary action from the left or a successful counter-revolution from the right.

Thus, for a U.S. leftist to declare that either side is equally bad is either bad politics or class treachery. Many leftists went bonkers over Syriza in Greece, and they were right to be hopeful. But after radical rhetoric Syriza succumbed to the demands of the IMF that included devastating neoliberal reforms of austerity cuts, privatizations and deregulation. Maduro has steadfastly refused such a path out of Venezuela’s economic crisis.

This is why Maduro is despised by the rich while the poor generally continue to support the government, although passively but occasionally in giant bursts, such as the hundreds thousands strong May Day mobilization in support of the government’s fight against the violent coup attempts, which was all but ignored by most western media outlets, since it spoiled the regime-change narrative of “everybody hates Maduro.”

The essential difference between Maduro and Chavez will make or break the revolution: while Chavez took action to constantly shift the balance of power in favor of the poor, Maduro simply attempts to maintain the balance of forces handed down to him by Chavez, hoping for some kind of “agreement” from an opposition that has consistently refused all compromise. His ridiculous naivety is a powerful motivating factor for the opposition, who see a stalled revolution in the way a lion views an injured zebra.

Venezuelan expert Jorge Martin explains in an excellent article, how the oligarchy would respond if it succeeded in removing Maduro.

1) they would massively cut public spending

2) implement mass layoffs of the public sector

3) destroy the key social programs of the revolution (health care, education, pension, housing, etc.)

4) there would be a privatization frenzy of public resources, though especially the crown jewel PDVSA, the oil company

5) massive deregulation, including turning back rights for labor and ethnic-minority groups

6) they would attack the organizations of the working class that came into existence or grew under the protection of the Chavez-Maduro governments

This is “Telling the Truth” about Venezuela. The U.S. left should know better, since the ruling class exposed what it would do during the Caracazo Uprising, and later when they briefly came to power in their 2002 coup: they aim to reverse everything, using any means necessary. The documentary “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised” is still required watching about the 2002 coup:

Maduro may have finally learned his lesson: Venezuela’s crisis has forced him to double down on promoting the interests of the poor. When oil prices collapsed it was inevitable the government would enter a deep crisis, it had only two choices: deep neoliberal reforms or the deepening of the revolution. This will be the litmus test for Maduro, since the middle ground he sought disappeared.

Rather than begging for money from the International Monetary Fund —which would have demanded such Syriza-like reforms — Maduro instead encouraged workers to take over idle factories while a General Motors factory was nationalized. A new neighborhood-based organization, CLAP, was created that distributes basic foodstuffs at subsidized prices that benefits millions of people.

On May Day this year, in front of hundreds of thousands of supporters, Maduro announced a Constituent Assembly, an attempt to re-engage the masses in the hopes of pushing forward the revolution by creating a new, more progressive constitution.

It’s true that Maduro is using the Constituent Assembly to overcome the obstruction of the oligarchy-dominated National Assembly — whose stated intention is to topple the government — but the U.S. left seems indifferent that Maduro is using the mobilization of the working class (the Constituent Assembly) to overcome the barriers of ruling class.

This distinction is critical: if the Constituent Assembly succeeds in pushing forward the revolution by directly engaging the masses, it will come at the expense of the oligarchy. The Constituent Assembly is being organized to promote more direct democracy, but sections of the U.S. left have been taken in by the U.S. media’s allegations of “authoritarianism.”

If working and poor people actively engage in the process of creating a new, more progressive constitution and this constitution is approved via referendum by a large majority, it will constitute an essential step forward for the revolution. If the masses are unengaged or the referendum fails, it may signify the death knell of Chavismo and the return of the oligarchy.

It’s clear that Maduro’s politics have not been capable of leading the revolution to success, and therefore his government requires deep criticism combined with organized protest. But there are two kinds of protest: legitimate protest that arises from the needs of working and poor people, and the counter-revolutionary protest based in the neighborhoods of the rich that aim to restore the power of the oligarchy.

Confusing these two kinds of protests are dangerous, but the U.S. left has done precisely this. Maduro is accused of being authoritarian for using police to stop the far-right’s violent “student protests” that seek to restore the oligarchy. Of the many reasons to criticize Maduro this isn’t one of them.

If a rightwing coup succeeds in Venezuela tomorrow, the U.S. left will weep by the carnage that ensues, while not recognizing that their inaction contributed to the bloodshed. By living in the heart of imperialism the U.S. left has a duty to go beyond critiques from afar to direct action at home.

Protesting the Vietnam war helped save the lives of Vietnamese, while the organizing in the 1980’s against the “dirty wars” in Central America limited the destruction levied by the U.S.-backed governments. In both cases the left fell short of what was needed, but at least they understood what was at stake and took action. Now consider the U.S. left of 2017, who can’t lift a finger to re-start the antiwar movement and who supported Bernie Sanders regardless of his longstanding affection for imperialism.

The “pink tide” that blasted imperialism out of much of Latin America is being reversed, but Venezuela has always been the motor-force of the leftward shift, and the bloodshed required to reverse the revolution will be remembered forever, if it’s allowed to happen. Their lives matter too.

 

About the Author
 Shamus Cooke is a social service worker, trade unionist, and writer for Workers Action. He can be reached at portland@workerscompass.org 



Protesting the Vietnam war helped save the lives of Vietnamese, while the organizing in the 1980’s against the “dirty wars” in Central America limited the destruction levied by the U.S.-backed governments. In both cases the left fell short of what was needed, but at least they understood what was at stake and took action. Now consider the U.S. left of 2017, who can’t lift a finger to re-start the antiwar movement and who supported Bernie Sanders regardless of his longstanding affection for imperialism.

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Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” -- acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump -- a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report 




5 Reasons Why Leftists Should Defend Russia

black-horizontalTHE WEST’S GREAT WAR AGAINST RUSSIA
Syria, the Ukraine, and other battlefields are just proxy conflicts. The object is the defeat and destruction of Russia as an independent world power.


horiz grey line By ERIC DRAITSER

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As tensions between the US and Russia have increased in the last year, so too has the polarization of public opinion. While the western corporate media has reverted to its formerly antagonistic, Cold War era attitude toward Russia – predictably radicalizing much of western public opinion, infusing the discourse with a decidedly Russophobic bias – it has increasingly been left to those on the political margins to deconstruct the false narrative, expose the Empire’s agenda, and defend the right of sovereign nations to act independent of western diktats.

And it is here, on the political margins, where many are willing to speak out against the US agenda in Ukraine and beyond, where the real fight for hearts and minds is taking place. The political mainstream will simply go along with the narratives presented to it by the Empire’s compliant media, thus ensuring its continued impotence and irrelevance to policy. However, a loud chorus of critics, dissidents, and anti-imperialist voices is becoming increasingly impossible to ignore.

And while on the far right libertarians and paleoconservatives are engaged in their own internal conflict over support for Russia and President Putin, so too is there an internal, quasi-ideological confrontation taking place on the left.

Many self-proclaimed “leftists” have merely transposed their anti-Soviet politics into an anti-Russian ideological posture, which sees in Russia both an embrace of capitalism and a desire for imperial revanchism. In this way, such groups (numerous on what passes for the “organized Left”) run interference for the political establishment, serving to dilute the potency of an anti-imperialist message through internecine conflict, demonization, and sectarianism. They proclaim that there is nothing about Russia worth defending for leftists. But is this true?

Here are a few reasons why those on the left who argue that Russia is “no better than the US” are either plainly ignorant, or they have ulterior motives:

1. Opposing US-NATO. Any self-described “leftist” should immediately question their own position when they find themselves on the same side with Washington and NATO on questions of foreign policy, war and peace. Russia has consistently (and with increasing assertiveness in the last few years) opposed the Empire’s agenda in various corners of the globe.

In Syria, Russia (with China following its lead) has become the leading global voice of resistance to the US-NATO-Israel-GCC agenda that has destroyed the lives of hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women, and children. Exercising its veto power at the UN Security Council, Russia has prevented a US-led war on Syria at least twice, each time supplying important intelligence information that cast doubt on the US narrative that conveniently blamed Assad for every single atrocity in that foreign-backed war on his country.

In Ukraine, Russia has effectively ended the eastward march of NATO expansion, drawing its red line, and demonstrating to the world that the once subservient “non-Western” developing economies will not be made into mere supplicants subject to the whims of power brokers in Washington, London, and on Wall St. Moreover, Russia’s rejection of the US-instigated coup in Ukraine, and its subsequent support for the rebels of Donetsk and Lugansk, has demonstrated to the world that western soft power is not some inexorable force, but is instead a carefully manipulated political weapon that can be blunted with sufficient planning and popular resistance.

2. BRICS, SCO, and “Multi-Polarity.Russia is, along with China, the driving force behind the establishment, and continued development, of non-Western international forums such as the BRICS grouping, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian Economic Union, and a handful of others. These platforms for international cooperation have one important feature in common: they are not dominated by the United States.

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, nearly every major international institution has, in one way or another, been dominated by the United States. From its political hegemony in the United Nations, to the levers of its economic dominance in the IMF, World Bank, and other international financial institutions, to its global military capabilities in the form of NATO and similar military architecture, the United States has acted as judge, jury, and executioner around the globe. In effect, this could best be described as US global hegemony. Put in slightly more traditional, though no less accurate, leftist terminology, this could rightly be called US imperialism.

And so, why would anyone who truly believes in the political, moral, and ethical bankruptcy of US imperialism not want to support those forces rising globally to challenge it? It is seemingly a “no-brainer” that those who believe US hegemony and imperialism to be one of the scourges of the planet should be promoting any forces providing a counterweight to it. And yet somehow many leftists are convinced – partly, I would argue, from a decades long ideological and political decay coupled with the cumulative psychological effects of multi-generational propaganda and red-baiting – that Russia today is no better or worse than the US, merely a rival. Of course, this sort of anti-historical analysis is silly, if not dangerous. Considering the US global military footprint in nearly every country, its influence and power manifested in myriad ways all over the globe, its perpetual wars, etc., only a fool could make such a comparison with a straight face and then ask to be taken seriously.

3. Opposition to Shock Therapy and Disaster Capitalism. A primary preoccupation of many on the Left has been to oppose the twin evils of IMF “shock therapy” and “disaster capitalism,” both fundamental parts of what has come to be known as the “Washington Consensus.” These phenomena include privatizing and selling for scrap the institutions of the state once it enters into political and/or economic collapse while, simultaneously, demanding “economic liberalization,” which is merely coded language for austerity on the one hand, and plunder on the other. Such policies can really only be implemented in times of great crisis and near total collapse, either from political, economic, or even natural disasters. It has been done countless times, from Chile in 1973 to New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, to Haiti still today.

However, the most infamous, and globally significant, example of this sort of shock therapy and disaster capitalism came in Russia in the 1990s. There, the institutions of the one-time superpower were stripped of their most valuable component parts and sold on world markets, primarily to US and European investors through the intermediaries of a parasitical class that has come to be known as the “Russian oligarchs.” This formation of a new capitalist economic elite on the wreckage of a formerly socialist (the degree to which the Soviet Union was truly ‘socialist’ is not going to be debated here) state is the quintessential template for how disaster capitalism works. Those on the left who seemingly opposed these policies in Latin America and elsewhere somehow conveniently forget the tough road that Russia has had to travel to claw its way back to global relevance.

Or their argument goes that one set of oligarchs was simply replaced by another set dominated by President Putin. Naturally, they conveniently leave out the part about re-nationalization of certain vital industries, restarting Russian economic production, raising standards of living from the deplorable state of the early 90s, improved infrastructure, medical services, and so on. All these things, you know, the material conditions of life for millions of people, somehow become irrelevant when set against a seemingly moribund orthodoxy.

4. WWII, The Holocaust, and Defending Historical Memory. Since the end of the Soviet Union, many right wing, reactionary, and often fascist, tendencies have emerged throughout the former Soviet bloc. These movements, far from preaching “conservative values” in any way recognizable in the West, rather root their politics in a vehement hatred of the Soviet Union/Russia and communism in general. Their hatred however is not manifested in some search for historical truth, but rather in an insidious attempt to rewrite history, casting themselves and their fascist antecedents as “patriots struggling against Bolshevism.”

This whitewashing of history is being vigorously promoted by the US and many of its European toadies who, for political reasons, want the historical narrative to be written in such a way as to make an equivalence between the Soviets/communism and the Nazis/fascism. It does not take exceptional perceptive powers to see the agenda behind this. In making such an equivalence, the US is then able to present itself as the great hero of the 20th Century, having defeated the “twin evils” of fascism and communism. Of course, such historical fiction is what passes for truth these days in the West.

Perhaps this agenda, long understood by many on the Left, though increasingly forgotten by the 21st Century ‘Left’, goes a long way to explaining the seemingly limitless support that the West provides to fascists in Ukraine where, just as more than 70 years ago, fascists are mobilized to counter the Soviets/Russians. Of course, it should be remembered that the Ukrainian Nazis, followers of the degenerate collaborator Bandera, care not that Russia is not communist, as for them it is the “Moskals” (pejorative term for Russians) that must be “cleansed from the nation.” It is this blind hatred of Russia that makes them the darling of the US, which is the primary reason why they are described as “nationalists” and not rightly as Nazis.

The Holocaust is also critical to this story. As the 70th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz by the Red Army was just celebrated, perhaps it is worthwhile to examine just how much history has been erased. It was, after all, the multi-national Soviets (Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Kazakhs, etc.) who liberated most of the concentration camps, including the infamous Auschwitz, only to find that 70 years later, Russia is not invited to commemorate the event. In the Baltic states, as in Ukraine, you hear talk of monuments commemorating the “heroes” who “fought communism.” But who are these heroes? And when did they “fight communism”? That part is conveniently left out of the story, lest the veil of historical amnesia be lifted to reveal that these are monuments to Nazi collaborators and other fascists.

So, these are monuments to perpetrators and participants in one of the worst genocides in history, one that attempted to cleanse Jews, Romani “Gypsies”, homosexuals, the mentally handicapped, and other “undesirables” from the face of the earth. In cities like Lviv, the very existence of the Holocaust is denied, let alone the city’s heinous role in it. There was no rounding up of Jews in the streets. There was no cheering for the Nazi invaders. There was no collaboration. Or so they would like us to believe. And the US and Europe allow this narrative to fester, like an infection spreading through the body politic of Europe.

Only Russia is countering this historical erasure, reminding everyone that their “Great Patriotic War” was the salvation of Europe, the salvation for millions of Jews, the salvation of freedom. This clashes with the Russophobia, creating a sort of cognitive dissonance that has become all too pervasive in recent years.

5. Political Support for Victims of US Imperialism. There is an undeniable trend manifesting itself in recent years, namely that countries under assault by the Empire now have a friend, if only for political expediency, in Russia. As Moscow has become more assertive in its foreign policy, it has consistently begun placing itself as the defender of nations being attacked. So, Russia has been the lone power (with China following Russia’s lead) blocking US aggression against Syria. Russia has extended a friendly hand to DPRK (North Korea). Russia has maintained comradely relations with Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Ecuador. Russia had continued expanding its political, economic, and military cooperation with Iran. These are not insignificant developments as they represent a growing awareness both in Moscow and around the world that Russia is willing to act as a counterweight to US geopolitical ambitions and hegemony.

Of course, Russia has self-interested reasons for doing this, as all states do in their political decisions. However, it is equally true that Russia increasingly sees its role as a defender of countries victimized by the US-EU-NATO order.

The importance of this assertiveness in defending such states is perhaps most clearly illustrated by the negative example: Libya. In 2011 Russia, under then President Medvedev, chose not to veto UNSC Resolution 1973 which authorized a “No Fly Zone” in Libya which, to no one’s surprise, was immediately transformed into a de facto authorization for war. Russia’s refusal to veto the measure – a decision Medvedev has since admitted was regrettable – is a principal reason why the US-NATO were able to carry out their vicious war against Libya, topple Gaddafi, throw that country into chaos, and destabilize the whole region. What if Russia would have vetoed and there would have been no resolution? Would the Libyan state still exist, rather than being the chaotic failed state it is today? Would all those lethal weapons have fallen into the hands of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Boko Haram, and other terror groups? Would North Africa be as dangerous as it is today? The answers are painfully self-evident.

Russia is vital to maintaining stability and some semblance of imperial restraint on the West. Its steadily stronger responses to the US and Europe demonstrate that perhaps, finally, the Russian political elite are beginning to realize this. Perhaps they have finally understood that rather than constantly waxing poetic about their “Western partners” and looking for any way to further integrate themselves into a Western-dominated system, they must strike out on their own, blaze their own trail, and show some backbone in the face of the ever-present US boot on the neck.

If it is true that Russia’s political elite have finally recognized their own global importance, the world will benefit. Hopefully, some on the so-called Left will also come to this realization. If not, then they should cease to call themselves anti-imperialists, and instead admit what they really are…the left flank of the Empire.



 

Crossposted with http://journal-neo.org/2015/02/20/5-reasons-why-leftists-should-defend-russia/

About the author

ERIC DRAITSER

ERIC DRAITSER

Eric Draitser is an independent geopolitical analyst based in New York City. He is the founder of StopImperialism.org  


 

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