Coronavirus: Germany, France accuse Americans of mask ‘piracy’, dirty tricks
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Acclaimed by critics, Ron Ridenour’s incisive history of the struggle between the US and Russia, extending from the Bolshevik revolution to our day, plus a wide-ranging and comprehensive analysis of many cultural America features which continue to bolster the US drive for world domination, is now available in print at a discount price. It’s 564 pages packed with information, many critical but practically unknown facts, and an uncompromising revolutionary perspective on the colossal challenges confronting this generation. (Click here or on the image below to order.)
THE DEEP STATE IS CLOSING IN
The big social media —Google, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter—are trying to silence us. Dispatches from The world has lost its anchors. The concept of permanence no longer exists anywhere. What were once perceived as anchors of security have transformed into uncertainty and darkness, to fear and terror,. Everything people thought of as integral is today disjointed, and once significant words themselves empty and meaningless. Everything has changed. Love has lost its power to dominate and has become transitory and its keeper, the heart, illogical. The world seems overcome with the criminal impulse. To kill is good. To die is nothing. Madness seems to have taken a hold on everyone and everything, each person erratic and lost.. Even death which unites all living beings like nothing else has changed. Death has become insignificant. Death is banal. Yet we know that death ends everything. How many lives ending in our times. The Palestinian novelist, Elias Khoury, puts stories on the same footing as life, because a story is about a life that didn’t happen, life is a story that didn’t get told. What anchors hold Turkey together if not the threat of death. A criminal holding together a nation of eighty million people and no one understands why or how it came about that the putsch that failed ended so many untold lives and empowered its mad leader to up the ante and lift the anchor and set sail on the transitory, in which direction no one knows. Six Italians whose stories will never be told died on the seashore of Nice, France together with seventy-eight other lives adrift. While the mass proletarianization of the Islamic world, accompanied by Western-made globalization continues unabated, so also the intensification of the reality of exclusion and growing inequalities in that “other” world of over one billion Muslims. And thus grows the numbers of Muslims intent on killing indiscriminately the peoples and destroying the symbols of their tormentors too busy with getting elected to consider putting a halt to murderous globalization. And thus the “assymetrical” war of kamikaze bombs and bullets mowing down now also Europeans, a war which can hardly be won or even controlled without the contribution of the people of partly European Islamic Turkey, today radicalizing at home instead of pacifying across its borders. A situation which began in the 1970s following the onset of mass unemployment in the Islamic world of workingmen, transforming them into defeatists and creating their thirst for revenge for the losses they have suffered. After decades of this catastrophe, unstoppable, apparently inevitable in a world where only power counts, an unstoppable attack on the Islamic way of life, what is the response of the West today to death? The response is weeping and mourning the dead, the granting of ever greater powers to western governments and their institutions and leaders. And in the Occident’s most powerful and power mad country, a madman contestant for leadership believes his electoral opponent should be executed. Meanwhile wave after wave of refugees, young men, women and many children trying to escape the mayhem created by the West in their lands, continue to set out for Europe from Africa and the Middle East across the dangerous waters of the Mediterranean Sea, many of whom end up in the graveyard at the bottom of that ancient sea. The chaos in Turkey, the terror spread by the Islamic State (IS-ISIL-ISIS), the ascendancy of populists like Donald Trump, and the exit of Great Britain from the European Union (Brexit) are all expressions of the lifting of familiar anchors of security worldwide, which should be sufficient to convince sane human beings to re-think their behavior. The Italian philosopher, Massimo Cacciari, notes that “the essential aspect of ancient tragedy consisted of the catharsis that caused it in the first place. But modern man has been struck blind and consequently insane. The world has apparently been struck blind and rendered mad by a chain of events only apparently disconnected one from the other and which contribute to the Great Global Disorder: the Turkish chaos, the ascendency of Donald Trump and Brexit, while the West holds fast to its conviction that its culture is still an unbreakable network covering the entire planet. Never have mere words been more significant than the expression made popular in German: Wen die Götter verderben wollen, den schlagen sie mit Blindheit. (Whom the gods want to ruin they strike with blindness.) =SUBSCRIBE TODAY! NOTHING TO LOSE, EVERYTHING TO GAIN.= Rowan Wolf, PhD [dropcap]T[/dropcap]he video below is a Henry A. Giroux in an interview with Max Keiser of RT. They are discussing Giroux’s concept of “zombie politics.” Zombie politics involves a type of social and civil death that squashes “any vestige of a robust democracy.” It is characterized first and foremost by authoritarianism, a growing sense of disposability of all life, and a culture of violence and cruelty. Donald Trump plays right into this zombie politics in a number of ways. As Giroux says, “Trump is among the walking dead” he seems to be out of touch with any notion of political, economic, and social justice, and will do everything he can to undermine democracy. At the same time he represents the interests of the 1%. According to Giroux, Trump is the product of what the Republican Party has been promoting for years with its flaunting of bigotry and hatred. The Democratic party has participated in this to some extent as well. Since 2001, there has been a constant play to the culture of fear. Trump also plays on celebretiy culture and he knows how to drive the media. He also pushes the anti-intellectualism that has become a source of pride in the party and in much of US culture. Trump is the epitome of civic illiteracy. He is the end point of zombie politics – a politician who basically wants to commit war crimes (torture, carpet bombing populations). His popularity is an outcome of a two party system in the US that has become so unresponsive to the needs of the people that there is tremendous anger – which he plays on to the hilt. Meanwhile the media, which should be a strong component of a democratic society is lost. The “lust for the spectacular combined with lust for profit has created an institution void of “any kind of amoral, political, social, and ethical accountability.” =SUBSCRIBE TODAY! NOTHING TO LOSE, EVERYTHING TO GAIN.= // =By= Michael Roberts [dropcap]T[/dropcap]hat the mainstream media helped to create the political monster (and disaster) that today is Donald J. Trump is not in dispute. And, aided and abetted by its willing lackeys in the neo-conservative television and radio movements, they helped to over-inflate his insatiable mega-sized ego that told him he could win the ultimate prize — the presidency of the United States. Indeed, Republican hatred of President Barack Obama and his policies, and their spineless prevaricating cowardice to privately embrace what Trump is saying and vocalizing in public, allowed a loud mouth and blowhard mediocre businessman to hijack the Republican Party from its conservative moorings. They both conspired and fornicated with each other to produce this bastard political horn-child now genuflecting to his every whim and outrageous pouting all in the interest of the continued cancerous metastasizing hating Barack Obama. Embraced by the most rabid sections of the Republican Party, the Tea Party zealots, traditional GOP establishment leaders were powerless to stop the rise of this ultra-Right Wing faction within the party that see Trump as “speaking their language” and identified with his particular odious brand of extremism and xenophobia. They are ALL complicit in the rise of the GOP’s Political Pretender. Establishment Republicans should have seen the writing on the wall when Eric Cantor, then the party’s majority leader in the House, was defeated in his bid for re-election in June 2014 by Dave Brat, an unknown Tea Party member. They should have known that the extreme wing of the party was now calling the shots when a freshman senator from Texas, Ted Cruz, one year before Cantor’s defeat, was able to orchestrate a temporary shut down of the Federal Government in October 2013. And they should have been put on the alert when the 40 or so Tea Party members in the House successfully hounded Speaker John Boehner out of office on October 31, 2015. But even with all that these signs and developments Republican leaders still so hung up on hatred from Barack Obama did absolutely nothing. They continued to be an obstructionist force and rejected any and all compromise. Talk about unintended consequences! Now they have laughingly launched a “Stop Trump” movement to deny the party’s present front runner the presidential nomination. The party’s conservative wing, joined by a whorish mainstream media, and sundry political pundits and talk show hosts, are desperately seeking ways and means to stop Trump up to and including a controversial “brokered convention” — not that they are calling it that. If no GOP candidate — Trump, Cruz and Ohio Governor John Kasich — reaches the magical number of 1,237 delegates the party’s national convention in July would be the last place where Trump can be stopped. But it will be very, very messy and unpopular with the Republican Party’s base, especially its Tea Party section. It that happens, the political civil war will be waged between the white collar sections of the party and its ruling class elements pushing proxy candidates like Florida’s former governor Jeb Bush, and, perhaps Senator Marco Rubio. What this will boil down to is a party willing to deny and reject the will of the vast majority of Republican voters, no matter how misplaced, in favor of a hand-picked, anointed, party establishment candidate. The split, already evident, will be between white collar Republicans and their angry blue-collar brethren from where the Trump and the Tea Party draw its members and support. The ultra-Right Ted Cruz is now attempting to position himself as the Trump alternative and the “stop Trump” candidate. However, it appears increasingly that the GOP leadership and its establishment wing is in favor of a so-called “contested convention.” Well, for starters, during the early days of American politics there was no need for the present system of primaries across the states. There was no 24-hour news cycle that hung on the every word of posturing, bombastic candidates and their surrogates. So for decades both parties — the Democratic and Republican Parties — chose candidates in large convention halls and negotiated, horse-traded, in smoke-filled hotel rooms near and around the main convention center. Ultimately, these systems became corrupt and were simply mechanisms for protecting party favorites. They were ultimately replaced by primaries where delegates were selected and apportioned based on who won (or lost). This process was accelerated in the 1970s that literally did away with brokered party conventions. The last Democratic political convention to go more than one ballot round was in 1952. On the Republican side their last brokered convention was in 1976 when Ronald Reagan forced Gerald Ford into a primary contest. Reagan was unsuccessful and had to wait until 1980 before becoming the GOP’s candidate and win the presidency for two terms. Contested or brokered conventions are very messy things. There are still many arcane and obscure rules and procedures that govern delegate behavior depending on the state they come from. For example, there are rules instituted by party organizations in, say, Ohio, that may compel its delegates to behave in a particular way in the first round of balloting in a contested convention and if there are no clear results may or may not apply to them in future rounds. Delegates may be “bound” to a frontrunner candidate in the first round of balloting and “freed” in the second round if no winner emerges. If they are “freed or unencumbered” then they can pretty much vote for who they choose. Here is where “politricks” and corruption sets in: candidates can woo delegates with promises that will materialize after they win the nomination. That’s called bribery but its quite legal in BOTH parties since its called “negotiating and advocacy.” It’s “horse-trading” at its best. When you add the anger that now permeates BOTH the Republican and Democratic parties and the growing distrust of the American electorate then the recipe for political chaos looms very large are is a very real possibility. For the Republican Party this convention is about the battle for the heart and soul of the par On the Democratic side of things are different, but there is an important fight. The party is fighting to redefine its very identity having been caught in a socio-political crisis for more than a decade. In 2016 the party that once identified with poor and working class Americans is no more. That is why Democratic party establishment figures and leaders cannot understand or come to grips with the anger and dissatisfaction that has been the meteoric rise of Senator Bernie Sanders on the Left pitted against the establishment candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton on the Right. Today, the Democratic Party is the party of the hyper-educated elite and the so-called “professional class,” a veritable meritocracy that is status driven and not welcoming of dissenting voices, especially from its blue-collar wing. It is a party that has and is now identified more with Wall Street than with Main Street. In many ways the political dialectics that drove the rise of Donald Trump are partly due to the unbelievable shortsightedness of policy decisions made by Democrats in government and on Wall Street. For example, many Southern conservative Democrats in Congress did nothing when their Republican colleagues were excoriating and attacking President Barack Obama left, right and center. They stood by and twiddled their thumbs or abandoned the party’s position and sided with Republicans. Their dislike of their own president (I’m loath to use the word “hatred”) helped to legitimize people like Trump. They never condemned a member of Congress, Joe Wilson for South Carolina, who called the president a liar during a September 2009 speech. And they have done very little to help push the president’s domestic and foreign policy agendas. Such party abandonment has drawn the ire of blue collar Democrats and young voters who saw this as a betrayal of their contract with President Obama starting in 2008. This anger and disenchantment would morph into the “Occupy and Black Lives Matter Movements” that Hillary Clinton cannot impress or attract to her campaign. In fact, were it not for the African American community and voters in the Democratic Party Ms. Clinton could not win the party’s nomination or the presidency. Here I have a word of caution for her: Just because young Democrats and white blue collar workers are flocking to Senator Bernie Sanders’s campaign does not translate to her winning these voters over if he loses the nomination as expected. She’ll have to do a hell of a lot more to win over these angry and frustrated voters then she’s presently doing. Her political dilemma is that she has to be the standard bearer of a new Democratic Party — a class party. And it’s not a blue-collar working class party or even a middle class party but a party of the professional elite classes. So what’s the difference between the Republican and Democratic Parties in the context of this new socio-economic and political dispensation? Well, there are now just only two hierarchal structures in the United States t that at the core definition and character of bot the Republican and Democratic parties. The first is that of the dominance of corporate big business interests and the obscene amounts of money of the one percent as evidenced by the concentration of wealth in the hands of 540 American billionaires with a combined net worth f $2.4 trillion. The second is the rise and now control of the professional class that are also at the very zenith of this moneyed and wealth hierarchy. They are in a now symbiotic relationship and share the same assumptions and attitudes to the world. However, they differ in significant ways even as they share some similarities. On the Republican side these professionals are ultra and neo-conservative when it comes to finance, business policies, cultural issues, and class challenges. By contrast, professionals on the Democratic side tend to be very liberal on most issues except the economy where they are just as conservative as their Republican counterparts. They also share on essential and fundamental similarity: both are hostile to labor and contemptuous of the American working class. Certainly not. But I do have a problem with a kind of arrogant orthodoxy that comes with that class. When meritocracy becomes the dominant ideology of the professional class it creates a certain world outlook that says that you’re at the top of your profession because you deserve to be there and you’re the smartest and the best in whatever you do. You see this in the Democratic Party when Hillary Clinton seeks to dismiss income inequality as a “one issue” and universal healthcare as impractical and unattainable. You see this in the orthodoxy of President Barack Obama whose cabinet picks all come from Harvard. What happens here is that you get a group of people who do not listen to other voices and ideas from those outside of their narrow social groupings and treats those differences with total contempt. MICHAEL D. ROBERTS is a top Political Strategist and Business, Management and Communications Specialist in New York City’s Black community. He is an experienced writer whose specialty is socio-political and economic analysis and local community relations. He has covered the United Nations, the Caribbean and Africa in a career that spans over 32 years in journalism. As Editor of New York CARIB NEWS, a position that he’s held since 1990, he is in a unique position to have his hands on the pulse of the over 800,000 Caribbean-American community in Brooklyn, and the over 2.5 million members resident in the wider New York State community. Note to Commenters We apologize for this inconvenience. 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