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=By= Claire Burnish

Connecticut — Police are now voicing their concerns about domestic drone use — specifically, they want the option to be able to employ weaponized drones in the future, should the need arise.

As if police brutality and aggression weren’t already an epidemic in the United States, police departments in Connecticut oppose a bill to outlaw the weaponization of drones. The bill also address unmanned aerial vehicles fitted with cameras, and their potential to violate the privacy rights of individuals. But law enforcement departments in the state appear far more concerned with being deprived of the possibility of arming them with weapons, rather than cameras.

As FOX 61 reported, bills currently being considered would both restrict drone use and classify arming them with any weapons — such as firearms or flamethrowers — as a Class C felony. Employing drones to set off explosives, deadly weapons, tear gas, and the like would be punishable by ten years in prison — and at the moment, that would include law enforcement. As written, the bill would require law enforcement to procure a warrant prior to using a drone for any reason.

Connecticut legislators seem to be taking practically the opposite route of those in North Dakota.

In 2015, North Dakota passed a law granting police the right to arm drones with “less than lethal” weaponry. Quietly slipping under the radar of the public and the media, the bill as originally written by its sponsor, Representative Rick Becker, banned all weapons on police drones — until a powerful police lobby had its way with the original draft.

“Bruce Burkett of the North Dakota Peace Officer’s Association was allowed by the state house committee to amend HB 1328 and limit the prohibition only to lethal weapons. ‘Less than lethal’ weapons like rubber bullets, pepper spray, tear gas, sound cannons, and Tasers are therefore permitted on police drones,” Justin Glawe reported for The Daily Beast in August.

Of course, ‘less than lethal’ is quite a misnomer. Besides maiming and seriously injuring people, many of those options can also be fatal — particularly Tasers.

“This is not one I’m in full agreement with. I wish it was any weapon,” Becker rued at a hearing in March. “In my opinion, there should be a nice, red line: Drones should not be weaponized. Period.”

He noted the potential for police to mimic U.S. use of drones abroad, as in fighting ISIL — particularly because, he added, “When you’re on the ground, and you’re making decisions, you’re sort of separate. Depersonalized.”

North Dakota may have succumbed to Big Drone’s wishes — as the Daily Beast described the booming industry and its lobbyists — but it’s almost inevitable privacy rights groups, legislators, concerned citizens, and law enforcement will point to its and Connecticut’s laws as reference precedents. Depending on which turn the bills before the Connecticut legislature take, that state could be added to what will likely be a growing list of laws for how to deal with weaponized drones.

Joining the battle to prevent police spying by drone, the ACLU was slated to testify about the Connecticut bill on Tuesday.

For now, the prospect of law enforcement arming drones remains a legal gray area — at least, in most areas of the U.S.

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This article (So It Begins: American Police Start Pushing to Weaponize Domestic Drones) is free and open source. You have permission to republish this article under a Creative Commons license with attribution to Claire Bernish and theAntiMedia.org. Anti-Media Radio airs weeknights at 11pm Eastern/8pm Pacific. If you spot a typo, email edits@theantimedia.org.

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Of course, Clinton was just conducting US foreign policy as usual, which for all intents and purposes makes her an active participant in a cynical criminal enterprise. 

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Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is facing a new round of questions about her handling of the 2009 coup in Honduras that ousted democratically elected President Manuel Zelaya. Since the coup, Honduras has become one of the most violent places in the world. Last week, indigenous environmental activist Berta Cáceres was assassinated in her home. In an interview two years ago, Cáceres singled out Clinton for her role supporting the coup. “We’re coming out of a coup that we can’t put behind us. We can’t reverse it,” Cáceres said. “It just kept going. And after, there was the issue of the elections. The same Hillary Clinton, in her book, ‘Hard Choices,’ practically said what was going to happen in Honduras. This demonstrates the meddling of North Americans in our country. The return of the president, Mel Zelaya, became a secondary issue. There were going to be elections in Honduras. And here she [Clinton] recognized that they didn’t permit Mel Zelaya’s return to the presidency.” We play this rarely seen clip of Cáceres and speak to historian Greg Grandin.

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TRANSCRIPT

AMY GOODMAN: Since the coup, Honduras has become one of the most dangerous places in the world. In 2014, the Honduran environmental activist Berta Cáceres spoke about Hillary Clinton’s role in the 2009 coup. This is the woman who was assassinated last week in La Esperanza, Honduras. But she spoke about Hillary Clinton’s role in the 2009 coup with the Argentine TV program Resumen Latinoamericano.

BERTA CÁCERES: [translated] We’re coming out of a coup that we can’t put behind us. We can’t reverse it. It just kept going. And after, there was the issue of the elections. The same Hillary Clinton, in her book, Hard Choices, practically said what was going to happen in Honduras. This demonstrates the meddling of North Americans in our country. The return of the president, Mel Zelaya, became a secondary issue. There were going to be elections in Honduras. And here, she, Clinton, recognized that they didn’t permit Mel Zelaya’s return to the presidency. There were going to be elections. And the international community—officials, the government, the grand majority—accepted this, even though we warned this was going to be very dangerous and that it would permit a barbarity, not only in Honduras but in the rest of the continent. And we’ve been witnesses to this.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Honduran environmental activist Berta Cáceres speaking in 2014. She was murdered last week in her home in La Esperanza in Honduras. Last year, she won the Goldman Environmental Prize. She’s a leading environmentalist in the world. Professor Grandin?

GREG GRANDIN: Yeah, and she criticizes Hillary Clinton’s book, Hard Choices, where Clinton was holding up her actions in Honduras as an example of a clear-eyed pragmatism. I mean, that book is effectively a confession. Every other country in the world or in Latin America was demanding the restitution of democracy and the return of Manuel Zelaya. It was Clinton who basically relegated that to a secondary concern and insisted on elections, which had the effect of legitimizing and routinizing the coup regime and creating the nightmare scenario that exists today.

I mean—and it’s also in her emails. The real scandal about the emails isn’t the question about process—you know, she wanted to create an off-the-books communication thing that couldn’t be FOIAed. The real scandal about those emails are the content of the emails. She talks—the process by which she works to delegitimate Zelaya and legitimate the elections, which Cáceres, in that interview, talks about were taking place under extreme militarized conditions, fraudulent, a fig leaf of democracy, are all in the emails.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And particularly what does she say in them?

GREG GRANDIN: Well, she talks about trying to work towards a movement towards legitimating—getting other countries, pressuring other countries to accept the results of the election and give up the demand that Zelaya be returned and basically stop calling it a coup.

AMY GOODMAN: SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY CLINTON: We think that Honduras has taken important and necessary steps that deserve the recognition and the normalization of relations. I have just sent a letter to the Congress of the United States notifying them that we will be restoring aid to Honduras. Other countries in the region say that, you know, they want to wait a while. I don’t know what they’re waiting for, but that’s their right, to wait.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Secretary of State Hillary Clinton endorsing the coup. What is the trajectory of what happened then to the horror of this past week, the assassination of Berta Cáceres?

GREG GRANDIN: Well, that’s just one horror. I mean, hundreds of peasant activists and indigenous activists have been killed. Scores of gay rights activists have been killed. I mean, it’s just—it’s just a nightmare in Honduras. I mean, there’s ways in which the coup regime basically threw up Honduras to transnational pillage. And Berta Cáceres, in that interview, says what was installed after the coup was something like a permanent counterinsurgency on behalf of transnational capital. And that was—that wouldn’t have been possible if it were not for Hillary Clinton’s normalization of that election, or legitimacy.

AMY GOODMAN: Greg Grandin, we’re going to have to leave it there. Greg Grandin, professor of Latin American history at New York University, his most recent book titled Kissinger’s Shadow: The Long Reach of America’s Most Controversial Statesman.

This is Democracy Now! When we come back, we’re going to look at Argentina and what is a billionaire Republican donor, hedge fund financier, to do with Argentina. Stay with us.

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FRONTLINE
NEWS—
•
Reports, News Flashes, and Commentary from Various Conflict Zones Around the Globe
HUMANITY IN TORMENT

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=By= Ana Biocini

 

“I can’t breathe….they’re killing me,” I heard my brother Hernan scream over, and over, and over again, while I watched police pin him to the ground with all of their weight on top of him, after beating him down on the street and dragging him out to the sidewalk in front of my house in Oakland. I pleaded for them to stop, but the police officers continued until he breathed no more. Click here to demand justice for my brother.

When I called the police for help that day, I never imagined that I was calling the same people who would kill my dear brother in the street just minutes later.

Hernan’s death was all caught on video. But the police hid the tape from the public for TWO AND A HALF YEARS — until it was recently leaked to the media by an anonymous source.(1) If it were up to the police and Oakland authorities, the public might never have known what happened. It’s been over two years, and there still hasn’t been a public investigation into Hernan’s death. There have been no charges against the police who killed him. No major public outcry. Nothing. We don’t even know whether any of the officers involved were disciplined. In fact, the Oakland Police Department refuses to answer any questions about his death at all.

Now that the video of the police killing my brother is finally public, this is our chance to demand justice for Hernan. My family and I can’t do it alone. We need your help, Rowan.

SIGN THE PETITION to demand Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf call on Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O’Malley and Police Chief Sean Whent to launch immediate investigations into Hernan’s death and hold the officers involved accountable to the full extent of the law.

My younger brother, Hernan Jaramillo, worked as a realtor for years, lost his job and house after the economy crashed in 2008, and returned to school. Prior to being killed, he moved in with me and worked as a salesman for a local solar panel company. Hernan was a good, innocent, unarmed man who wasn’t doing anything wrong.

I called the police on July 8th, 2013 for help because I heard noises from his room and thought that someone was trying to break in and hurt him. It was a false alarm, but instead of simply talking with my brother and trying to figure out what had happened, the police officers forced him out of my home in handcuffs — shoeless, wearing just boxers and a tank top  — and killed him. Then they kept the truth about his death quiet for two and a half years.

The truth is that the police beat him, threw him to the ground in the middle of the street, and dragged his body 20 feet to the sidewalk. For 15 minutes, an officer pressed his knee into Hernan’s back, while another officer’s hand pressured his lungs — repeatedly ignoring his and my pleas to let him sit up and catch his breath. And eventually Hernan went silent. That’s when one police officer said, “OK now, because you are quiet, you can sit.” But it was too late — they had already killed him. When the paramedics finally came, my brother’s lifeless body was still handcuffed.(2) Click here to demand justice for Hernan.

My brother did not deserve to die. And I am haunted by his death every day. But what bothers me the most is the silence that has surrounded his death, the inaction from Oakland authorities, and the lack of accountability for the police officers who killed him.

If the officers who killed my brother are innocent, why has the police department kept the video of his death hidden from the public? Why are they refusing to talk to the press or my family about what happened? Why hasn’t District Attorney Nancy E. O’Malley even investigated this case? And what is stopping Mayor Schaaf from taking action and holding all parties involved accountable?

These questions keep me up at night, and I can’t fight this alone anymore. I am so grateful to have Courage Campaign and Presente.org now helping with Hernan’s case, but we need thousands of compassionate people like you to join us if we are going to have a fighting chance at justice.

Join us to send an immediate message to Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf: “We demand justice for Hernan Jaramillo’s death!”

About a year after Hernan’s death, a New York City Police Department officer killed Eric Garner in a shockingly similar incident.(3) If the video of my brother’s death had been made public when he was killed, it would have created an important public conversation about the use of excessive force by the police.

What happened to my brother and Eric Garner are just two tragic examples of the epidemic of police violence against Latinos, Black people, and other people of color in our country.

My brother didn’t deserve to die like this, and neither did Eric Garner, or Michael Brown, or Tamir Rice, and so many others who have died at the hands of police. We must join together, stand up, and demand justice now!

Tell Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf to demand Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O’Malley and Police Chief Sean Whent launch immediate investigations into Hernan’s death and hold the officers involved accountable to the full extent of the law.

In honor of my little brother Hernan Jaramillo,

Ana Biocini

1. http://act.couragecampaign.org/go/2529?t=10&akid=2539.2106367.mxa6Va
2. http://act.couragecampaign.org/go/2530?t=12&akid=2539.2106367.mxa6Va
3. http://act.couragecampaign.org/go/2531?t=14&akid=2539.2106367.mxa6Va

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The campaign presented here is an email from Courage Campaign.

Additional information: ACLU of Northern California Statement on Hernan Jaramillo’s Death in Oakland Police Custody

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=By= Gary Corseri

(A poem based on an article by Juan Cole—at Truthdig.)

1. Wealth Disparities

Trickle down economics

Is an excuse

For the rich to piss on the poor.

So, look up, ye wretched of the Earth!

We’re happy to piss on your faces

While you cry out for “more”!

 

2. Human Carbon Emissions

I deny with a straight face

That I’ve anything to do

With the CO2 I haphazardly spew

From my Lotus, or my factory—

Bringing to you

The latest baulbles I’ve convinced you

You can’t live without.

 

3. Endless Political Campaigns

Ridiculous to think they last a year or two

When, in fact, they’ve been going on

Since Washington chopped down the cherry tree

In quasi-actuality,

Then dressed in military garb

Impressing all the delegates

He was best-suited to make us “free.”

 

4. Lobbyists, bankers, bribes.

Excuse me for being

Unpolitically correct,

But wasn’t that the very thing

The “self-radicalized,” reforming Jew

Got so upset about when he threw

all those money-changers out

Of the Temple?

5. Not Prosecuting the Villains of the Meltdown

What else is new?

When Polk invaded Mexico

And our legislators cheered him on,

Did anyone besides Thoreau

Cry “foul,” let’s end this now

Once and for all?

 

6. Bloated Military Budgets

Forget the nitpicking, if you please!

It’s not easy to maintain

A thousand military bases around the world,

“dedicated to the proposition”

That we’re the “exceptional” people

And God loves us best!

What’s a couple of trillion bucks mislaid

Got to do with “bad guys” slayed?

 

7. Our Prison-Industrial Complex

3 Strikes and you’re out—

Works in baseball, why not crime?

We’re a sporting people, and besides,

Better to pay the minimum-minimum-minimum wage

To polish belt buckles for the troops

Then deal with marchers in the streets

Squawking about “fairness.”

 

8. Domestic Spying

How else control a restive group

Of malcontents out-of-the-loop

Of what the country stands for?

When everyone fears everyone

Everyone will get a gun.

Fear’s the friend of governments

Seeking to steer malcontents

Against each other.

 

9. Insider Trading & Revolving Doors

If I’m spying, why wouldn’t I

Occasionally lapse,

Profit from some Great Collapse

I see coming down the gilded pike?

If prices of a stock should spike–

and my foreknowledge tells me when—

why shouldn’t I collect a million,

put the kid through the Ivy League,

take my seat on the Corporate Board?

 

10. Asset Forfeiture

Why shouldn’t our cops seize what they can?

Could anything be more American?

Forget your Citizens’ Rights’ complaints!

They’re neither paid nor trained for being saints!

 

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Gary Corseri has published novels, poetry collections, dramas, articles and fiction.  He has performed his poems at the Carter Presidential Library and his plays have been produced on PBS-Atlanta and elsewhere. He has worked as a busboy, editor, and a grape-picker in Australia.  He has taught in public schools and prisons in the US, and in universities in the US and Japan.  [Contact: Gary_Corseri@comcast.net.]

 

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=By= Murray Polner

 

When Art Young, the early 20^th Century satirist of America’s class wars wanted to portray how the country’s real owners cracked down on its enemies one of his drawings depicted the state’s bully boys dragging along a small, balding, helpless man holding some obviously suspect pamphlets while a bystander asks, “What’s he been doing?” and is answered by the arresting cops, “Overthrowin’ the guvment.”

Which could very well characterize Donna T. Haverty-Sacke’s formidable, well-researched and timely “Trotskyists on Trial: Free Speech and Political Repression Since The Age of FDR” about a long forgotten event in 1943, when the US government, relying on the Smith Act, which outlawed groups and individuals alleged to be promoting the overthrow of the government, jailed members of the miniscule Socialist Workers Party (SWP), a perfectly legal group that believed in Trotsky’s fantasy of a world proletarian revolution. The SWP, a small group of politically impotent sectarians, repeatedly torn worn by ideological and personal factionalism, had over the years included Sidney Hook, James T. Farrell, Max Schachtman, James Kutcher, Lyndon LaRouche, James Burnham, C.L.R. James, Farrell Dobbs, James Cannon, Bert Cochran and Irving Kristol. And today, at a time of never-ending wars and nightmarish alarms about terrorists attacking us in our streets and homes, this book appears when it’s most needed, asking how much freedom must be sacrificed in the sacred name of national security.

Donna Haverty-Stacke, Associate Professor of History at Hunter College, CUNY, who wrote the estimable “America’s Forgotten Holiday: May Day and Nationalism, 1867-1960,” reminds us how in 1942 the FDR administration rounded up 110,000 Japanese and herded them into remote desert camps. In 1944 the US tried but failed to convict native pro-Nazis plus even a few rightwing critics such as Lawrence Dennis and FDR’s first Vice-President John Nance Garner’s cousin Elmer. Critics were unwelcome. Ethan Michaeli’s fascinating new book, “The Defender,” recounts how Black newspapers opposing segregation in the WWII military were also warned about sedition by Francis Biddle, FDR’s Attorney General, who then threatened to “shut them all up.” Moreover, FDR gave J. Edgar Hoover a free hand to spy on his opponents, especially the radical SWP, which saw WWII as a clash between rival imperialists.

In 1919, Trotsky’s American followers were part of the American Communist Party but after he was expelled from Soviet Russia, they too were kicked out of the Party’s US branch. Reborn as the SWP in 1938, their main centers of influence were in John L. Lewis’ United Mine Workers Union and in New York City and especially Minneapolis, when it had become deeply involved in that city’s Truck Drivers’ Strike in 1934.

That walk-out began during the worst time of the Great Depression in anti-union, open-shop Minneapolis when the Trotskyist Local 574 of the Teamsters Union –a union divided between pro- and anti-SWPers—began to strike, In 1934, as Haverty-Stacke writes, “The Teamster’s strikes in Minneapolis were among the bloodier” among many in those years. 20,000-30,000 sympathizers joined the walk-out while the city, beholden to the potent pro-business, anti-union Citizens Alliance, responded by sending its police force and 2,000 “special deputies, two of whom were killed” to beat back the strikers. An effort to end the strike was finally struck but, unsatisfactory to many strikers and Local 574, the strike continued. Again, the powerful anti-union business community fought back. 0n July 20, 1934, “Bloody Friday” as it came to be called, 67 strikers were wounded and two were dead. “Though organized by just a handful of Trotskyists at the start,” writes Haverty-Stacke, “the 1934 strikes developed into a popular uprising of tens of thousands of supporters, in which the mighty Citizens Alliance was defeated and union recognition secured. For many observers, the 1934 Minneapolis strikes became a harbinger of what militant class struggle could achieve, precisely what the anti-unionists feared.

Nine years later the SWP was brought to trial. Government prosecutors used the Communist Manifesto and assorted SWP literature to demonstrate that, as Haverty-Stacke puts it, citing a prosecutor, “any material in the defendant’s possession that promoted revolution was integral to the conspiracy to advocate the overthrow of the government.” SWP member and novelist James T. Farrell, who later quit the party, argued instead that “freedom of speech is meaningless if it is freedom to agree with those to those who are in power.” Eighteen SWP Trotskyists were found guilty and imprisoned, a judgment applauded by most Americans including the American Communist Party. In 1949, the SWP continued fighting the verdict. Writing in The Militant, the party newspaper, Farrell Dobbs, one of the eighteen, called for a full pardon and reinstatement of their civil rights plus the end of the trial of eleven communists then undergoing the same kind of Smith Act prosecution in New York’s Foley Square, in effect a short-term fig leaf to the Communists. But ever faithful to Stalin—who had Trotsky assassinated in 1940—the gesture was promptly rejected by the Communists. Happily, in 1957, the Supreme Court in Yates v. United States ruled that speech, however critical of the government, was protected speech unless it crossed the line and posed a “clear and present danger.”

That should have ended Government harassment but it did not. For the next forty years the FBI continued spying on SWP. When Hoover’s notorious COINTELPRO was exposed in 1961, it revealed the extent of its hounding with informants, break-ins, thefts, wiretapping and bugging of phones. The Church Committee also exposed the FBI’s violations. In 1973,the SWP finally sued the FBI. The case, Haverty-Stacke, tells us, took “thirteen years, five decisions in district court, three major decisions in the court of appeals, five applications to the Supreme Court “ but eventually it compelled the ordinarily impenetrable FBI to open its files. Finally, in April 1968, federal Judge Thomas Griesa denounced the FBI’s misdeeds and ordered the U.S. to pay the SWP $264,000. “[Farrell] Dobbs who died in 1983,” comments Haverty-Stacke, “did not live to see this vindication, but he most likely would have been pleased and proud of his contribution in securing it.”

Haverty-Stacke then strikes a positive note by quoting Margaret Jayko’s judgment (in “The FBI on Trial” The Victory of the SWP Suit Against Government Spying”) that the SWP ruling was also a victory for all Americans because, “For the first time a federal court has ruled the very presence of government informers in a political organization is a violation of the constitutional right of free speech and association and the right to privacy.”

In a concluding chapter, she wonders how the country will be able to resist those who, since 9/11 and the US invasion of Iraq and the rise of radicalized Moslem groups, want to curb civil liberties in the name of safety. “What becomes of those liberties and of the dissent made possible by them when the nation exists in a constant state of emergency?”

What, indeed?

 

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Contributing Editor, Murray Polner wrote “No Victory Parades: The Return of the Vietnam Veteran“; “When Can I Come Home,” about draft evaders during the Vietnam era; co-authored with Jim O’Grady,  “Disarmed and Dangerous,” a dual biography of Dan and Phil Berrigan; and most recently, with Thomas Woods,Jr., ” We Who Dared to Say No to War.”  He is the senior book review editor for the History News Network.

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