How 12 Multinational Corporations Avoid Paying Taxes

By Julianne Escobedo Shepherd, AlterNet
Posted on April 19, 2011

Crossposted with http://www.alternet.org/story/150598/how_12_multinational_corporations_avoid_paying_taxes

In January, Barack Obama named Jeffrey R. Immelt, General Electric’s chief executive, to head the President’s Council on Jobs and Competitiveness. “He understands what it takes for America to compete in the global economy,” Obama said. It figures.

OVER THE PAST MONTH, General Electric has been held up as the pinnacle of corporate vampirism –– the world’s largest corporation in the world’s lowest tax bracket. But it’s not just GE that’s bilking the system and paying zero dollars in taxes.

A new report out today illustrates that at least 11 other multinational, billion-dollar corporations managed to get a free pass from the IRS – and not only that, but while average Americans scraped their piggy banks to pay hefty taxes on paltry paychecks, many of these companies actually got a refund. Want to know how they pulled that off? By the fatcat’s swindle: lobbying, campaign contributions, and other legal gladhanding that helps them exploit corporate loopholes and keeps their pockets flush while the rest of us struggle to get by.

G.E.’s Strategies Let It Avoid Taxes Altogether
By DAVID KOCIENIEWSKI
The New York Times 

General Electric, the nation’s largest corporation, had a very good year in 2010.

The company reported worldwide profits of $14.2 billion, and said $5.1 billion of the total came from its operations in the United States.

Its American tax bill? None. In fact, G.E. claimed a tax benefit of $3.2 billion.

That may be hard to fathom for the millions of American business owners and households now preparing their own returns, but low taxes are nothing new for G.E. The company has been cutting the percentage of its American profits paid to the Internal Revenue Service for years, resulting in a far lower rate than at most multinational companies.

Its extraordinary success is based on an aggressive strategy that mixes fierce lobbying for tax breaks and innovative accounting that enables it to concentrate its profits offshore. G.E.’s giant tax department, led by a bow-tied former Treasury official named John Samuels, is often referred to as the world’s best tax law firm. Indeed, the company’s slogan “Imagination at Work” fits this department well. The team includes former officials not just from the Treasury, but also from the I.R.S. and virtually all the tax-writing committees in Congress. [Read the whole story]

Ordinary Americans lack the kind of money needed to shop at this store.

The campaign reform group Public Campaign has released a report called “Artful Dodgers,” identifying 12 corporations – including GE – that used these tactics to avoid paying any taxes while reaping huge benefits. More disturbingly, the report notes they collectively spent over a billion dollars influencing politicians to make Washington more corporate-friendly. As the report points out, the money invested to sway groups such as the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee has been wildly successful. Legislation from both parties has created these tax loopholes, while providing incentives that effectively destroy the American workforce. Public Campaign:

According to the non-partisan Government Accountability Office (GAO), eighty-three of the 100 largest publicly traded U.S. corporations utilize such tax havens to reduce their U.S. tax liability. Ironically, these accounting tricks aren’t available for companies that only do business in the United States, so Congress in effect is providing tax incentives to ship jobs overseas and dismantle the middle class.

Clearly, the moral of this story is that these corporations are not sneaking around the government, slithering through back alleys in order to avoid paying taxes. They are essentially lobbying our government – individuals we elected – into submission, tipping the tax brackets in their favor on the backs of average, everyday Americans. Congress wants to make huge budget cuts in social programs that help us in myriad ways, and yet many of the same politicians would rather punish the poor than make corporations pay their fair share. As PC points out:

Elected officials across the political spectrum are talking about the need for shared sacrifice to reduce our deficit. Both Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan (R-Wisc.) and President Obama have talked about getting rid of special interest tax loopholes. But, talk doesn’t equal action. And it’s not going to happen as long as well-heeled companies like G.E. or Chevron are able to use millions in lobbying and campaign contributions to advocate for the creation of loopholes and tax breaks, and against their closure. Reforming our tax code won’t happen when every line in it has a special interest that will push back against any increase.

The proposed budget looks a little different to you now, doesn’t it? Read the full report at Public Campaign.

Julianne Escobedo Shepherd is an associate editor at AlterNet and a Brooklyn-based freelance writer and editor. Formerly the executive editor of The FADER, her work has appeared in VIBE, SPIN, New York Times and various other magazines and Web sites.

© 2011 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.

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Obama proposes trillions in spending cuts

By Patrick Martin, WSWS>ORG
14 April 2011

President Barack Obama outlined plans Wednesday for slashing $4 trillion from the federal budget deficit over the next 12 years, the bulk of it by cutting domestic social spending, particularly in the area of health care.

His speech at George Washington University in the US capital demonstrates the consensus in the American ruling elite for a frontal assault on social programs upon which tens of millions of working people, children and retirees depend.

Obama largely accepted the deficit reduction framework set by the Republican right. But he proposed a different mix of spending cuts, as well as calling for tax increases on the wealthy, something that the leaders of the Republican-controlled House of Representatives have ruled out in advance.

The proposed tax hikes are extremely modest, merely allowing the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy to expire at the end of 2012 and restoring the tax rates that prevailed under the Clinton administration. The promise, moreover, is an empty one. Obama caved in to Republican opposition to raising taxes on the rich last year, when the Democrats still controlled both houses of Congress. Why should anyone believe he will act differently now?

Throughout the speech, Obama sought to appeal to two diametrically opposed audiences. He sought to reassure global financial markets and the US ruling elite of his commitment to reaching bipartisan agreement on drastic and immediate spending cuts. And he sought to delude working people about both the causes of the fiscal crisis and the devastating consequences of the measures now being prepared in Washington.

For his ruling class audience, Obama spelled out proposals for spending cuts in Medicare and other social programs that would previously have been considered unthinkable from a Democrat in the White House.

According to a summary posted on the White House web site, these include:

  • Massive cuts in domestic discretionary spending, from the baseline set by last Friday’s agreement with congressional Republicans that slashes $38.5 billion from spending for the current fiscal year. The total in spending cuts over 12 years would come to $770 billion in areas like education, the environment, transportation and other infrastructure, and in wages and benefits for federal government workers.
  • An additional $360 billion over 12 years in cuts in mandatory domestic programs, so called because they provide benefit payments that are mandated under federal law, including farm subsidies, federal pension insurance, food stamps, home heating assistance and income-support programs for the poor and disabled.
  • A further $480 billion over 12 years in cuts in federal health care spending, on top of the $1 trillion in cost-cutting already imposed to pay for the health care overhaul passed last year by a Democratic Congress. Obama outlined a series of policy changes in health care that he said would cut an additional $1 trillion in the decade after 2023.
  • In the event that spending cuts fail to reduce the federal deficit to the desired proportion of the US gross domestic product by 2014, Obama would establish a debt failsafe mechanism that would trigger across-the-board spending cuts and tax increases, likely to include a national sales tax or European-style Value Added Tax.
  • Cuts of $400 billion in military spending over 12 years, less than four percent of the gargantuan sum that the Pentagon, Department of Energy, Department of Homeland Security, CIA and other agencies will spend during that period on the armed forces, nuclear weapons and intelligence and security operations.

For his popular audience, Obama delivered a series of demagogic assaults on the Republican Party and the deficit reduction plan unveiled last week by House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan, which the House is expected to approve on Friday.

He explained that the Republican plan “is less about reducing the deficit than it is about changing the basic social compact in America.” He said that it “ends Medicare as we know it,” and would lead to the loss of health insurance for up to 50 million Americans now covered by Medicaid or scheduled to be enrolled in private insurance plans under Obama’s Affordable Care Act of 2010.

For Medicare recipients, he said, the Republican plan means “instead of guaranteed health care, you will get a voucher.” He continued: “And if that voucher isn’t worth enough to buy insurance, tough luck—you’re on your own.” Grandparents who cannot afford nursing home care, poor children, and children disabled by autism or Down’s syndrome would be told “to fend for themselves.”

Given the emphasis on health care cost controls both in last year’s “reform” legislation and in his speech Wednesday, Obama’s supposed outrage over Republican heartlessness is cynical and insincere. The two big business parties, the Democrats as much as the Republicans, seek to cut the cost of health care for American corporations and the government by placing more and more of the burden on working people, including the sick, the disabled and the destitute.

Even more deceptive was Obama’s explanation of the source of the fiscal crisis. He contrasted the 1990s—when “our leaders came together three times… to reduce our nation’s deficit” in bipartisan agreements under the first President Bush and the Clinton administration—to the decade after 2000, when “we lost our way.”

In this potted history, “America’s finances were in great shape by the year 2000. We went from deficit to surplus.” Then the administration of George W. Bush waged two wars, established a Medicare prescription drug benefit, and cut taxes for the wealthy, wrecking the “fiscal discipline” of the previous decade.

One small thing is left out of this account: the long-term crisis of American capitalism, culminating in the Wall Street crash of 2008 and the trillions expended by the Treasury and the Federal Reserve to bail out the banks. The financial catastrophe precipitated the worst economic slump since the Great Depression—which continues to this day, although Obama barely mentioned it in his 43-minute speech.

The conditions that produced the 2008 crash go back at least three decades, and include the increasing subordination of production to financial manipulation, the deregulation of financial markets, and colossal growth of economic inequality.

Obama made only one fleeting reference to this most important aspect of the economic crisis. He condemned the Ryan plan for proposing another $1 trillion in tax breaks for the wealthy, then added:

“In the last decade, the average income of the bottom 90 percent of all working Americans actually declined. The top 1 percent saw their income rise by an average of more than a quarter of a million dollars each.”

He then asked rhetorically, “And that’s who needs to pay less taxes? They want to give people like me a $200,000 tax cut that’s paid for by asking 33 seniors to each pay $6,000 more in health costs. That’s not right, and it’s not going to happen as long as I’m president.”

This was the high point of Obama’s populist demagogy, a typical dog-and-pony show in which the Democrats pretend to be the tribunes of the common man and the Republicans are assigned the role of Wall Street stooges.

A little over an hour after Obama’s address, three top House Republicans did their part in the play-acting, going before press microphones and practically snarling their hostility to the president’s whipping up of “class war.”

“Class war” is an accurate term for the program of both the Democrats and Republicans. However vituperative the mutual mudslinging, both parties represent corporate America and do the bidding of the super-rich. The leading personnel of both parties consist of individuals, like Obama, who are themselves multi-millionaires.

The US ruling elite is taking advantage of the fact that the working class is politically disenfranchised and the old union organizations have been transformed into instruments of corporate management for imposing wage and benefit cuts. It is moving aggressively to return working people to conditions of exploitation unseen in America in nearly a century.

For the past few months, state and local governments, both Republican and Democratic, have taken the leading role in these attacks, sparking the confrontation with public employees in Wisconsin and increasingly bitter conflicts throughout the country.

It was noticeable that in Obama’s lengthy speech there was no reference whatsoever to the financial crisis wracking state and local government and the devastating cuts being imposed on social services, jobs, wages, benefits and pensions.

For two years, the stimulus legislation passed in 2009 provided limited support to state and local government finances. This period has come to an end, and there will be no further federal support. On the contrary, as the positions of both the congressional Republicans and the Obama White House demonstrate, the federal government is now set to play the leading role in the assault on the social rights of working people.

The working class should reject the entire framework of the official deficit-reduction debate. The Democratic and Republican politicians who claim there is “no money” for necessities like pensions, health care and education represent a corporate elite sitting on countless trillions in wealth.

The working class alternative to capitalist austerity must be the expropriation of this hoarded wealth, accumulated from the labor of workers, and the reorganization of economic life to serve human needs, not corporate profits.

This means the building of an independent mass political party of the working class based on a socialist and anti-imperialist program.

PATRICK MARTIN is a senior political analyst with the World Socialist Web Site.

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Government by People Who Hate You

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Monday 11 April 2011

By Dean Baker, Truthout

House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan's (R-Wisconsin) budget plan would cut $5.8 trillion over the next decade by cutting programs like Medicare.

House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan put out a budget proposal last week that will leave the vast majority of future retirees without decent health care by ending Medicare as we know it. According to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) analysis, most middle-income retirees would have to pay almost half of their income to purchase a Medicare equivalent insurance package by 2030 [3]. They would be paying much more than half of their income in later years.

This comes to more than $60,000 for every man, woman and child in the country. That would be money out of the pocket of ordinary workers and retirees that will go to the insurance and pharmaceutical industries, highly paid medical specialists, and other health care providers.

last week [4].

[5]

 

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Ohio governor signs law attacking public employees

By Jerry White  | 1 April 2011

In a crowded field of repulsive politicians from both parties bent on betraying the public interest, John Kasich (R) is a standsout.

AFTER MORE THAN A MONTH OF PROTESTS, the Republican governor of Ohio signed Senate Bill 5 in a brief statehouse ceremony Thursday evening, putting into a law an unprecedented attack on the 360,000 workers who provide public services in the Midwestern US state.

The law bans the right of public workers to strike; imposes large wage cuts by mandating workers to pay at least 15 percent of their health insurance costs; bases pay raises for teachers and other workers on performance instead of seniority; and facilitates the decertification of local unions. It also allows school districts, municipalities and other government bodies to impose their final offer if a labor agreement cannot be reached in negotiations.

Governor John Kasich is the latest Republican state executive to gut public employee collective bargaining rights. On March 11, Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker signed into law a similar attack after a month of job actions, student walkouts and mass protests. Republicans in Indiana, Michigan, Arizona and other states are pursuing similar policies.

In a fundraising email sent out by Kasich after the bill’s passage, the governor declared, “The nation is watching us in Ohio and we will provide the leadership necessary to become a job creating state and serve as a model for the rest of America.”

In fact, the anti-worker laws are aimed at outlawing collective resistance to sweeping cuts in social spending and the virtual destruction of public education and other essential services. The aim is to further reduce taxes on the corporations and big investors who created the economic disaster, which has bankrupted virtually every state in the nation.

Kasich’s “Jobs Budget” proposal slashes education, health care and other programs critical to the state’s 11.5 million residents. This includes a $1 billion cut in state aid to local governments over the next two years; a 10-11 percent cut in K-12 and higher education; and savage cuts to childcare and medical services that would, among other things, limit the number of hours of mental health care patients can receive.

The massive cuts in state aid to local governments and school districts will be used to wrench even greater concessions from public workers. “We’ve got 10 percent of people without jobs. Be glad you have a job,” the Columbus Dispatch quoted Representative Louis Blessing, a Republican from Cincinnati, telling public workers. “Would you rather have no job or a pay cut of 4 percent? That’s basically what we’re telling public employees. Congratulations, you’ve done a great job since (collective bargaining) was enacted 27 years ago, but the party’s over. We can’t afford it anymore.”

In his budget proposal, Kasich continues the 21 percent cut in state income-tax rates that was part of the 2005 tax overhaul by Republicans that replaced the state corporate income tax and phased out a business property tax. These measures cost the state more than $2 billion a year in lost tax revenue, half of the state’s $8 billion budget gap over the next two fiscal years.

“At least half of our current budget problem is a direct result of the tax changes we made in 2005,” Zach Schiller, research director at Policy Matters Ohio, told the Columbus Dispatch. “A lot of people don’t want to hear that, but that’s the reality. Much of our pain is self-inflicted.”

There is enormous working class opposition to Kasich’s attack on public workers and social spending, and thousands of public employees have taken part in protests over the last month. The state capitol in Columbus was packed with workers booing and shouting as legislators voted for the bill Tuesday night.

As in Wisconsin, however, the officials who lead the teachers and other public employee unions accept without question that workers must pay for the budget deficit and have offered their services to do so. They only oppose the Republican Party’s attempt to push the unions out of their traditional role of imposing the cuts, and, above all, collecting union dues.

Union officials were particularly angered over a new provision added to the bill this week that would ban “fair share” fees—union dues paid by public workers who decide not to join their union. Under current rules, public workers who do not want to join a union must still pay dues.

State Democrats, whose counterparts in New York, California, Illinois and other states are imposing spending cuts just as vicious as the Republicans’—made it clear they want to utilize the services of the unions to slash public employees’ pay and benefits. As the Columbus Dispatch noted, “Rep. Matt Szollosi, D-Oregon, said if governments need to contain costs, they can ask for the kind of concessions a number of state and local unions have given in recent years.”

With the passage of the bill, the Democrats are now working with union officials to divert anger into a petition campaign for a referendum vote to overturn the new law. The Democrats and unions are reportedly spending $10 million to $20 million to collect more than 230,000 signatures needed to place the issue on the ballot in November.

This follows the same pattern as in Wisconsin, where the unions opposed any serious struggle—including rejecting demands for a general strike—and worked with the Democrats to divert working class opposition behind a toothless campaign to recall Republican legislators. Meanwhile, the unions have taken advantage of legal rulings that have delayed the implementation of the law to sign scores of contracts that gut wages, benefits and working conditions, while preserving the automatic dues check-off system, which will be prohibited once the law goes into effect.

Well aware that tens of millions of workers are disgusted with the refusal of the Obama administration to address their economic and social concerns—including his refusal to bail out the states—the campaigns launched by the unions and the state Democrats in Ohio, Wisconsin and other states are aimed at boosting the electoral fortunes of the Democratic Party in 2012. The goal of this is to secure the interests of the union apparatus, while the attacks on the working class would continue unabated.

JERRY WHITE writes often on political matters for the World Socialist Web Site.




Bernard-Henri Lévy makes “humanitarian” case for bombing Libya

BHL strikes again. A darling of the international bourgeois punditocracy, he’s a favorite of American pundits, including establishment asslickers like Charlie Rose.

By Alex Lantier | 26 March 2011

Levy: Insufferable self-promoting decadent. And a dangerous charlatan, too.

On March 24, French writer Bernard-Henri Lévy (“BHL”) gave a chat interview on the web site of Le Monde defending the unprovoked war of aggression launched by the United States, Britain and France against Libya.

In the 1970s Lévy was one of the leading “New Philosophers”, a group of young intellectuals criticizing both Marxism and the Stalinist French Communist Party (PCF) from the right, citing human rights concerns, after the PCF sell-out of the general strike of May-June 1968. Initially sympathetic to the Socialist Party, these forces rapidly moved to the right together with the PS. They have become wealthy and prominent media personalities, with several leaving the big business PS to support conservative President Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007.

In his thoroughly dishonest interview, Lévy uses his bogus “human rights” credentials to bolster the propaganda of the French government—which claims to be intervening in Libya in a limited campaign designed to protect the lives of rebel National Council supporters.

In this, Lévy is protecting not only the criminal policies of the French government, but himself. He personally played a significant role in the lead-up to the Western attack, arranging a meeting on March 10 between French President Nicolas Sarkozy and leaders of the National Council, the rebel group fighting the Libyan government of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Shortly after this, Sarkozy recognized the National Council as the Libyan government. Paris then pressed for a UN resolution to allow the bombing of Libya, which began on March 19.

Well done!

Le Monde’s interview—titled “BHL: The National Council wants a secular Libya”—began with a question on why Lévy took an interest in the Libyan dossier and arranged the meeting between the National Council and Sarkozy. Lévy replied: “It’s not a dossier. It’s Benghazi.” In the face of the threat to Benghazi, Lévy insists, “I was deeply moved. I did what I could.”

Upon further questioning about his role, he said: “I played no role. I only had, one night in Benghazi, the crazy idea of getting on the telephone and calling the President of the Republic of my country and suggesting that he receive a delegation from free Libya.” He then denied he had any involvement in “political matters,” saying: “I am like you. I am watching with anxiety the development of events.”

This absurd comment raises far more questions than it answers. It is transparently obvious that Lévy is not, as he claims, an ordinary citizen concerned at the development of the Libyan crisis. One feels compelled to ask: how did Lévy get into Benghazi, in the middle of a civil war, with a direct telephone line to Sarkozy?

The posture Lévy adopts—that his support for the French attack on Libya and for the National Council is based on disinterested concern for saving human lives—is a fraud.

In fact, Lévy is hardly opposed to killing, as he makes clear. Asked whether he supported limiting operations to enforcing a no-fly zone in Libya, he replied: “We must go beyond the ‘no-fly zone.’ That is to say to go all the way to targeted strikes against Gaddafi’s heavy weaponry. It’s regrettable. It’s horrible, even the idea of a targeted strike. But if we really want to protect the civilians of Misrata, Syrte, and Benghazi, there is no other solution.”

Lévy later tried to adopt a more humanitarian posture, claiming: “For my part, I feel that I am absolutely a pacifist. It’s in the name of the idea I have of peace that I think we must stop the war provoked by Gaddafi against his own people.”

This is a dishonest evasion. Lévy’s “idea of peace” involves massive and deadly attacks on Libyan soldiers and civilians, in the air campaign the Western powers have unleashed on Libyan army units and on Tripoli. Lévy views these deaths, however, as politically preferable to the deaths that might occur in Benghazi, were Gaddafi’s forces to retake the city.

Lévy never explained the class reasons underlying his calculation. Instead, he advanced the preposterous claim that he backs the National Council because they are more democratic than Gaddafi. Thus he said: “There’s one important thing already: [the National Council forces] are secular Muslims. The Libya they envision will be a Libya in which religion will be a matter of conscience. The government that will replace the current dictatorship will be the product of free, and probably transparent elections.”

Like the other pro-imperialist propagandists of the National Council, Lévy falls completely silent on who makes up the National Council, flatly asserting that they will—“probably”—lead a democratic regime. In fact, there is no reason to believe that this is inevitable, or even probable. Indeed, it is widely reported that the National Council is an uneasy coalition of various ex-Gaddafi regime officials, Islamist groups, tribal leaders, and middle-class human rights activists, who are, through people like Lévy, in close contact with right-wing governments in the West.

Thus one questioner asked Lévy: “The issue of the ‘tribal’ component [of the National Council] or the historic rivalry between eastern and western Libya is rarely evoked. After your visit to the revolutionary forces, did you not integrate this into your analysis?” Lévy replied: “No, maybe because I did not have the time to study the question. But it is also because the representatives of the National Council themselves say and repeat that this ‘tribal component’ plays a small role in their analysis of the situation.”

Lévy wants his readers to believe that he traveled to Benghazi, ignorant of whom he was going to meet, and still has not had “time to study the question.” This is no more credible than Lévy’s other assertions. However, a few quotations from Le Monde—a paper Lévy knows well, as he sits on its oversight committee—will help clarify the question of the National Council.

Luis Martinez of the Center for International Research and Studies (CERI) at Sciences-Po in Paris, told Le Monde: “There are three groups in the opposition: the Islamists, the human rights defenders, and the most numerous: the youth.” Though Martinez did not mention it, it is well known that the top leadership of the National Council is in fact provided by recent turncoats from the Gaddafi regime. These include ex-Justice Minister Mustafa Abdul Jalil and General Abdel Fattah Younis al Obaidi, commander of the Libyan Thunderbolt Special Forces unit.

The Islamist forces participating in the National Council include the Oumma Party and the Islamic Combat Group, according to Hasni Abidi, a researcher in Switzerland. These forces explicitly support a theocratic state.

François Dumasy, of the Institute for Political Studies in Aix-en-Provence, explained that there are youth following the National Council who are “worried about the liberalization of the economy and the rise of unemployment in recent years.” However, there is no “common vision” between the National Council’s various components, Dumasy explained: “You must understand that for 42 years of Gaddafi’s rule, political expression was reduced to a minimum.”

Indeed, Le Monde suggested that the National Council enjoys little popular support. Rémy Ourdan, Le Monde’s correspondent in Benghazi, noted: “One does not sense in the population a phenomenal enthusiasm for the National Council.” Le Monde added: “The difficulty of clearly identifying its members and the fact that its president and spokesman held office in the Gaddafi regime do not help this ‘parallel government.’”

Lévy’s claims that the National Council will promote democratic or secular rule are lies. It is an unstable coalition of middle-class and ruling-class elements, who have responded to a radicalization in the North African masses by exploiting the lack of political leadership in the working class to establish a military alliance with Western imperialism. Dependent on the major powers for military support, they will negotiate a fire sale of Libya’s oil reserves and provide the West with a right-wing base for further operations in North Africa, should they come to power.

It is symptomatic of Lévy’s class standpoint that he instinctively sided with such forces, despite the reactionary content of their politics.

It must be added that the French ruling class has long experience and understanding of the role such petty-bourgeois forces play in binding the workers hand and foot to imperialist politics. In France, the human rights activists evolve in an affluent milieu of academics, union bureaucrats and parties like the New Anti-Capitalist Party that is mobilized to contain and disarm every strike movement by the workers. During last autumn’s oil strike, for instance, they insisted that the workers had to submit strictly to the unions’ negotiation of pension cuts with Sarkozy and respond to police strike-breaking only with “symbolic” protests.

As struggle erupts in Libya, these forces are now backing the war. It is significant that the arguments advanced by the NPA to justify its support for the war are essentially those of Lévy. (See: “A tool of imperialism: France’s New Anti-Capitalist Party backs war on Libya”).

Lévy is quite aware of the imperialist interests underlying France’s campaign in Libya. This is the inescapable conclusion arising from his preposterous reply to a question about whether “the military intervention in Libya is only motivated by the protection of the Libyan people and of human rights?”

Lévy dodged the question, simply saying: “That’s what it seems like, yes. What else do you think it would be?”

This fantastically naïve and flatly unbelievable reply gives Lévy’s game away. He knows the major powers are vying for Libya’s 46.4 billion barrels of proven oil reserves and its strategic location at the crossroads of North Africa—a region now shaken by revolutionary working class struggles. Far from being innocently ignorant of how the game of state influence is played, Lévy is an experienced influence peddler, whose reply is simply designed to hide the oil grab and the broader imperialist interests he is backing by supporting the National Council.

The son of André Lévy, an influential merchant of exotic African woods who ran the Bécob firm, Bernard-Henri Lévy repeatedly exploited his political ties to help his father’s ailing firm.

A first time was 1986. As L’Express notes, “Bernard went all-out for his father. Did he intervene with presidential counselors to use the presidency’s African contacts to bump up the Ivory Coast’s debts to Bécob to top priority? BHL denies this intervention. However, he admits having contacted [then-PS Economy Minister] Pierre Bérégovoy to help his father.” Lévy also looked for help with the conservatives around Jacques Chirac, then mayor of Paris, and ultimately got an advantageous state loan after the personal intervention of President François Mitterrand.

Lévy’s firm also obtained an advantageous loan from François Pinault, a Gaullist politician, luxury firm executive, and today the 67th richest man in the world with a fortune of $11.5 billion.

Given Pinault’s poor reputation in business circles and his ties to far-right figures like Jean-Marie Le Chevallier and neo-fascist National Front leader Jean-Marie Le Pen, L’Express notes, “Helping Bernard-Henri Lévy, a star of the intellectual left and leader of an already substantial network in publishing and media circles, was perhaps not such a stupid move. … The theory of a gesture by Pinault to win over BHL matches well, in any case, with subsequent developments: the turn of the [Pinault] group towards cultural industries and the birth of a ‘great friendship’ with Bernard.”

Ten years later, according to L’Express, Pinault bought out Bécob for 800 million francs, or roughly $130 million: “BHL’s fortune is therefore significant. It amounts to somewhere between 150 and 180 million euros. This has played a key role in his history.”

This is indeed a fitting description not only of Lévy himself, but of the entire political edifice of contemporary humanitarian phrase-mongering in France. Having begun as the ideology of various discontented students and sons of the bourgeoisie in the post-1968 period, it evolved very rapidly as these forces themselves became affluent or—in the case of Lévy—immensely rich. Today it serves rather openly as the verbal fig leaf for the strategic interests of French imperialism.

ALEX LANTIER writes on political matters for the World Socialist Web Site.