Deconstructing the U.S. Military; or How to Cut a Cool Trillion Dollars a Year from the U.S. Budget

By Dana Visalli | April 11, 2011 

The cleanest and straightest path to world peace is for the US to stop meddling in other countries with a view to exploiting their resources and their populations. That would make us friends, real friends.

 

Our tax dollars at work. An MRAP in Afghanistan; 20,000 purchased at $1 million apiece. Rejoice!

While in Kabul in March of this year, I visited the U.S. military base in that city, Camp Eggers. Knowing I would need a pretext to gain entry, I typed up a letter offering to give a presentation on wildlife in Afghanistan, which I had been studying. When approaching the base, one passes through an initial checkpoint, where a Hummer topped with a machine-gun nest stands guard. Then there is a 100-yard walk down a narrow corridor between high concrete blast walls, at which point one arrives at a guarded entry point through the wall. I showed my passport and letter, and was escorted through a second layer of blast walls to a little wooden information booth in this still-peripheral circle of defense. The pimply young lad manning the booth was flustered by my request; he had never seen anything quite like it. He did what all soldiers do when faced with something new; he phoned his superior for orders on how to proceed.

Permission was granted to pass to the next entry level. At hut #2 another friendly young male soldier by the name of Ryan was equally baffled by my written request, and he dialed up hiscommanding officer for instructions on what to do with me. Then, with Ryan as my escort, I made it into the inner sanctum of the base, where soldiers and military contractors strolled leisurely around the streets of the former Kabul residential area. After being passed around to several more levels of authority, I finally ended up at the office of Morale, Welfare and Recreation. The female officer in charge there was as confused by my presence as everyone else had been, and after reading my proposal asked rather sternly, “How did he get on the base?” She reprimanded Ryan for bringing me to the center of Camp Eggers, then realized that she would have to phone her commanding officer because there was no standardized protocol on how to deal with me. As we retraced our steps, Ryan remarked that he certainly could not be held accountable for letting me on the base because all he had done was follow orders. In fact, the primary concern of everyone I interacted with at Camp Eggers was to follow the directives of their superiors; no one appeared to have the capacity to take responsibility for their actions.

In the mid-1960s, political scientist Hannah Arendt published a book-length study of how some of the great evils of history, such as slavery and the Holocaust, managed to occur. Her book,Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, concluded that generally such crimes are not carried out by fanatics or sociopaths, but rather by ordinary people who accepted the premises of their superiors and their state and therefore do what they are told to do, and participate with the view that their actions are normal. The word “banal” is defined as “something that is trite, normal, and commonplace.” The root of the word comes from the Old French word ban, referring to feudal military service, which was compulsory and thus commonly accepted. Thus, military culture is by definition synonymous with banal, which my acquaintances at Camp Eggers demonstrated as they strove to find orders to follow and avoid responsibility for their actions.

Most members of the military establishment receive extensive training in combat techniques, including of course how to kill other human beings. One common drill at boot camp is to have recruits lunge repeatedly at mock human targets with mounted bayonets, shouting “Kill! Kill!” as they stab their imaginary victims. After months of such training, killing itself becomes banal, something normal and commonplace. The military culture of thoughtless submission to authority combined with heavy conditioning to snuff out human life creates a wide path towards the “great evils” that Hannah Arendt addressed.

Examples of what a sane society would call evil acts abound in the annuals of our current wars. For example, in 2010 a group of five American soldiersmurdered a number of Afghan civilians “for sport,” and collected fingers of their victims as trophies. Killing for them had become normal and banal; it was in fact what the soldiers were trained to do.

In March of 2011 two U.S. Army Blackhawk helicopters came upon 10 Afghan children ages 7 to 13 gathering brush to warm their huts and attacked them with heavy machine gun fire. When the parents of the children arrived on the scene, attracted by the gunfire, they could only collect body parts of their children. For the pilots of the helicopters, killing was their job, a normal part of military life.

On March 12, 2006, four U.S. soldiers entered the home of a 14-year old girl in the Iraqi city of Mahmudiya, took her mother, father and sister into a bedroom and shot them, and then gang-raped the girl. Afterwards, they shot her in the head and attempted to burn her body. They then reported the deaths as being the result of an insurgent attack.

On March 25, 2003, Marine Sgt. Eric Schrumpf was participating in the U.S. invasion of Iraq when he spotted an Iraqi soldier in his field of view behind a female Iraqi citizen. He couldn’t get a clear shot with the woman blocking his line of sight, so he shot her to get her out of the line of fire. “I’m sorry, but the chick was in the way,” Schrumpf explained. Later he elaborated, “We had a great day. We killed a lot of people.”

Over the long term, most soldiers committing such murders become victims of their own lack of judgment, unable to live with the profoundly antisocial acts they have committed. Sergeant Schrumpf is himself now debilitated by PTSD, and can scarcely function in civilian society. He has attacked people in movie theaters because he mistakes their cans of Coke for military weapons. “I’ll never be the same again,” says Schrumpf, who seems somehow mystified by the etiology of his emotional dysfunction.

Similar stories of the fruits of combat duty are limited only by time available to tell them. After serving in the Marines during the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Lance Cpl. Walter Rollo Smithreturned home and soon killed his wife, Nicole Marie Speirs, the 22-year-old mother of his twin children.   He drowned her in a bathtub without any evident provocation or reason. In reflecting on his heinous crime, Smith said, “I know for a fact that before I went to Iraq, there’s no way I would have taken somebody else’s life.”

After serving in the Army in Iraq in 2004, Spc. Brandon Bare, 19, of Wilkesboro, N.C, came home and stabbed his wife Nabila Bare, 18, at least 71 times with knives and a meat cleaver. About three dozen of the wounds were on her head and neck. Killing is what he was trained to do.

Mental angst and dysfunction in soldiers returning from combat is commonplace. A recent study indicates that 62% of soldiers returning from the war in Iraq have asked for mental health counseling, with 27% showing dangerous levels of alcohol abuse. Suicide rates among soldiers and vets have increased dramatically in recent years. Over 100,000 Vietnam vets have now killed themselves, far more than died in the Vietnam War. More than 300,000 veterans of the U.S. military are currently homeless, another study reveals.

If war is in fact destroying the youth of America by turning them into trained and traumatized killers, one could at least hope that the wars themselves have some value to American society. Objective evidence indicates otherwise. The actual conduct of war bears more resemblance to a circus act than the noble endeavor it is often portrayed to be. To cite one of the many examples of the senselessness of war related in the book Achilles in Vietnam, author and Vietnam vet Jonathan Shay describes how, “During one patrol in the dry season, a U.S. Army squad ran out of water and was not resupplied. They walked for a day and a half in search of water in Vietcong-controlled territory. When men started to collapse from dehydration in the heat, an officer’s plea for emergency resupply was heeded: a helicopter flew over and “bombed” the squad with cases of Tab, seriously injuring one of the men. The major whose helicopter dropped the Tab was recalled to evacuate the casualty. There was no enemy activity. I subsequently read in the division newspaper that the major had put himself in for and had received the Bronze Star for resupplying the troops and evacuating the wounded “under fire.’ ” Remember that story the next time you see a soldier’s chest full of medals.

The Vietnam war itself was fought because at the end of World War II, Ho Chi Minh declared Vietnam’s independence from the colonizing French, reading from the U.S. Declaration of Independence to emphasize his people’s reasonable claim to self-determination. Instead of supporting this universal urge that humanity has for freedom, the U.S. supported the French effort to regain their colony for 10 long years (1945-1954). After the French were defeated, the U.S. fought the Vietnamese for another 22 years (1955-1975). Thus, 32 years of brutal mayhem took place, when all the Vietnamese people were asking for was their independence. The American lives that were ruined–the 58,000 combat deaths, 100,000+ suicides, 300,000 homeless men–were all expended for nothing, as were the 3.4 million Vietnamese who died in that war. To briefly mention another of our recent wars, today the nation of Iraq lies in ruins, the people impoverished, a million dead and 5 million living as refugees, while the entire basis of the U.S. invasion in 2003 is widely acknowledged to have been a complete fabrication.

War itself is not only “a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed,” as Dwight Eisenhower noted in a speech in 1953, but war is also destructive to the physical earth, the very source of human life, and indeed of all life. The U.S. has dropped 15 million tons of bombson the earth’s surface in last 60 years, spread 1 million tons of napalm on fields and forests, and sprayed 20 million gallons of defoliants on some of the most diverse rainforests on the planet. By any measure, the U.S. military is conducting a war against the earth itself. Such an inane effort does not come cheaply. The total cost of all military expenses for 2012 is estimated to be $1.2 trillion dollarsone-third of the total federal budgetIt is the U.S. military that is driving the U.S. itself into bankruptcy.

In summary, the U.S. military is destroying the lives of its own young men while at the same time it devastates other human cultures; it threatens the economic survival of the United States while it is fraying the ecological fabric that makes life on earth possible.

Mikhail Gorbachev once noted that the Soviet system was evil and had to be dismantled. The U.S. military is a similarly evil force loosened on the world. As was done to the Soviet system, the repugnant U.S. military should be completely dismantled, with all soldiers and ships and planes and weapons brought home from the vast web of 1000 American military bases spanning the globe. The savings in terms of human lives, human suffering, ecological integrity and American dollars will be immeasurable. We can then begin to rebuild a national defense consisting of a small militia that can guard our borders and “repel invasions,” as called for in the U.S. Constitution, all the while remembering that the best defense is the making of friends.

Author’s Website: www.methownaturalist.com

Author’s Bio: Dana Visalli is a professional botanist and organic market gardener living in Washington State.

 




Maj. Gen. Smedley Butler, USMC: “War is a Racket”

Smedley Butler

Major-General Smedley Butler [Credit: Gunnyg – Photobucket]

Major General in the U.S. Marine Corps, and at the time of his death the most decorated Marine in U.S. history. During his 34-year career as a Marine, he participated in military actions in the Philippines, China, in Central America and the Caribbean during the Banana Wars, and France in World War I. By the end of his career he had received 16 medals, five of which were for heroism.

 

 

 

 

 

 

He is one of 19 people to twice receive the Medal of Honor, one of three to be awarded both the Marine Corps Brevet Medal and the Medal of Honor, and the only person to be awarded the Brevet Medal and two Medals of Honor, all for separate actions.

In addition to his military achievements, he served as the Director of Public Safety in Philadelphia for two years and was an outspoken critic of U.S. military adventurism. In his 1935 book War is a Racket, he described the workings of the military-industrial complex and, after retiring from service, became a popular speaker at meetings organized by veterans, pacifists and church groups in the 1930s.

In 1934 he was involved in a controversy known as the Business Plot when he told a congressional committee that a group of wealthy industrialists had approached him to lead a military coup to overthrow Franklin D. Roosevelt. The individuals that were involved denied the existence of a plot, and the media ridiculed the allegations. The final report of the committee stated that there was evidence that such a plot existed, but no charges were ever filed. The opinion of most historians is that while planning for a coup was not very advanced, wild schemes were discussed. (Courtesy, WikiPedia)




US Army clears “kill team” brigade commander of responsibility

The penalty imposed by the top brass amounts to little more than a “slap on the wrist” and implicitly endorses the notion that barbarism is a tacitly accepted practice.

By Naomi Spencer | 8 April 2011

Tunnell. Imperial tasks often turn soldiers into sadistic murderers. Or maybe they were that to begin with.

An Army investigation into officers in charge of the brigade involved in murdering Afghan civilians for sport last year concluded that its commander had no responsibility for the atrocities.

Colonel Harry D. Tunnell IV was found to have pursued an aggressive “strike and destroy” strategy, but the Army determined it bore no “causal relation” to the rampant criminal activities of soldiers in the 5th Stryker Combat Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division while they were stationed in Kandahar province.

Tunnell was dispatched to Forward Operating Base Ramrod in the summer of 2009 as part of the Obama administration’s “surge,” meant to quell the resistance along the border with Pakistan.

Generals serving over the commander at FOB Ramrod complained that Tunnell “butted heads with superiors,” the Washington Post reported, and in particular with British Major Gen. Nick Carter, then overseeing operations in southern Afghanistan. Tunnell openly mocked the counterinsurgency strategy to “win hearts and minds” of the population. The brigade’s motto was “Strike—Destroy.”

In testimony in November, Tunnell stated, “US Army forces are not organized, trained or equipped to implement the [counterinsurgency] doctrine and Americans are not culturally suited to accept predominantly European colonial and imperial tactical … and operational practices.”

Afghan victims, as reported on Rolling Stone.

As the base sustained heavy casualties, Tunnell directed forces to conduct “counter-guerrilla” operations during patrols, focusing on raids into the small farming villages and lethal force. Der Spiegel cited testimony in the report that “Tunnell himself had spoken about ‘small kill teams,’ who were supposed to ruthlessly hunt down the Taliban.” One soldier quoted in the report characterized the policy after Tunnell outlined the strategy: “If I were to paraphrase the speech and my impressions about the speech in a single sentence, the phrase would be: ‘Let’s kill those motherfuckers.’”

The probe, completed in February by Brig. Gen. Stephen Twitty, recommends Tunnell be issued only a letter of admonition. Twitty recommends that two junior officers receive letters of reprimand, a more serious penalty in terms of the possibility of career advancement. Tunnell is currently working at an Army base in Kentucky.

The report was kept confidential and separate from on-going courts martial against five members of the unit accused of war crimes.

Last month, Spc. Jeremy Morlock was sentenced to 24 years in prison for participating in the murder of three unarmed Afghan civilians between January and May 2010. The 23-year-old soldier was also found guilty of obstruction of justice and conspiracy to cover up the killings, along with illegal drug use.

Four other soldiers—29-year-old Spc. Michael Wagnon, 22-year-old Spc. Adam Winfield, 19-year-old Pfc. Andrew Holmes, and the accused kill team ringleader, 26-year-old Staff Sgt. Calvin Gibbs—have also been charged with murder. Seven other unit members are charged with lesser, related crimes, including collecting thousands of photographs and videos of the killings and keeping body parts as trophies.

Because the case threatens to provoke public outrage against the military occupation, both within Afghanistan and in the United States, the Army has sought to suppress details of the killings. On March 27, Rolling Stonemagazine published 18 photographs and two videos alongside a lengthy exposé of the kill team’s activities. (See, “Rolling Stone publishes photos of US war crimes in Afghanistan”)

The material makes clear that far from being the product of a few low-ranking “rogue soldiers,” as the Army insists, the atrocities were widely known about and encouraged by the culture of the military.

Moreover, the material strongly suggests that the charge sheet in the kill team case represents the tip of the iceberg, with some photos documenting mangled, unidentified corpses and bound bodies propped up before Stryker vehicles belonging to other platoons. Army documents obtained by Rolling Stone describe incidents in which soldiers lobbed grenades from their Stryker vehicles into heavily populated areas to make it appear the unit had come under attack, then opened fire on civilians.

The report on Tunnell also contains details of rampant drug use and sadism among soldiers at the base. According to the Washington Post, Col. Twitty found that “soldiers killed chickens and dogs for sport, and that one platoon member negligently fired a grenade launcher, destroying a protective barrier” at the base. “Soldiers also regularly scrawled the word ‘Crusader’ on portable bridges over Afghan irrigation ditches.”

Military brass was well aware of the “counter-guerrilla” strategy being pursued at FOB Ramrod. The military newspaper Army Times carried a report on Col. Tunnell’s leadership on December 21, 2009, just a few weeks before the first murder for which the soldiers are charged in the kill team case.

“In command briefings and interviews, 5/2 Stryker Brigade leaders are keen to give the impression that the unit has fully embraced the tenets of counterinsurgency doctrine,” the Times noted. “There is much discussion of the governance, reconstruction and development fusion cell…”

However, one officer told the paper, “When we first started operation, we were told we were going to stay enemy-focused.” Another officer commented, “That has absolutely been the message that’s been delivered from higher.” Tunnell told the Army Times that the base policy was drawn directly from the Army Field Manual 90-8.

NAOMI SPENCER wrote this dispatch for the World Socialist Web Site.




Essential Readings: Counterinsurgency

Essential Readings: Counterinsurgency

by Essential Readings Editor , http://www.jadaliyya.com/ | Apr 06 2011

U.S. Army Maj. Robert Holbert takes notes and drinks tea with local school administrators during a cordon and search of Nani, Afghanistan in June 2007. Image by Staff Sgt. Michael L. Casteel, U.S. Army.

This Essential Readings post is written by Laleh Khalili.

a series of “Essential Readings,” in which we ask contributors to choose a list of must-read books, articles, and new media sources on a variety of topics. These are not meant to be comprehensive lists, but rather starting points for readers who want to read more about particular topics.


Counterinsurgency is today lauded as the preferred mode of asymmetric warfare in contexts where civilians need to be won over. Because it combines war-fighting with “civic action” (provision of social services) and ethnographic intelligence gathering, counterinsurgents describe it as “armed social work” – or, alternatively, “armed social science.” Critics are not so sanguine and locate the origins of today’s counterinsurgency in past colonial encounters.

The organic intellectuals of US counterinsurgency – ascendant since 2006 – include a significant number of soldier-scholars and military/war studies scholars, who very ably put their case forward. Critical readings of counterinsurgencies, on the other hand, tend to focus on specific aspects or historical moments, and as such, are rich but fragmentary. Comparative studies are rare. Sometimes when the voices of those subjected to counterinsurgency are recorded, the broader political and military praxis is given short shrift. At other times, a focus on the development of the practice and doctrine effaces the experiences of the victims. Indigenous collaborators with the counterinsurgents loom large in the vernacular narratives but are rarely studied.  The sources listed below variously remedy these drawbacks.

Image from http://www.army.mil/-images/2007/06/05/5451/

This collection includes primary sources, a film, academic books, general histories, and a novel. The historical counterinsurgencies highlighted below are those invoked paradigmatically as the progenitors of today’s U.S. counterinsurgency. As the focus of this list is on counterinsurgencies, classics of revolt such as Mao Tse Tung’s On Guerrilla Warfare or Frantz Fanon’s revolutionary writings are excluded.

U.S. Army, FM 3-24: The Counterinsurgency Field Manual (2006)

David Galula’s Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice (Praeger Security International, 2006). For more analytical and comparative studies of counterinsurgencies, and their implications for different branches of the military, the edited volume by Thomas Rid and Thomas Keaney, Understanding Counterinsurgency (Routledge, 2010) is a solid overview, written primarily by practitioners. A symposium organized by and published in Perspectives on Politics (June 2008) brings together defense policy analyst Stephen Biddle, political scientists Stathtis Kalyvas and Wendy Brown, and soldier-scholar Douglas Ollivant to provide scholarly critiques of the Manual.

[]

Eqbal Ahmad, “Part I: Revolutionary Warfare and Counterinsurgency,” in The Selected Writings of Eqbal Ahmad, edited by Carollee Bengelsdorf, Margaret Cerullo, and Yogesh Chandrani (Columbia University Press, 2006)

These brief and revelatory articles, written at the height of decolonisation and the U.S. counterinsurgency war in Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s, lay bare the architecture of asymmetric warfare by imperial and neo-imperial powers. Ahmad’s surgically precise skewering of “liberal-reformist” counterinsurgency feels as fresh and cutting today as the day it was written, more than forty years ago.

Nasser Hussain, “Counterinsurgency’s Comeback” (Boston Review, January/February 2010)

This cogent essay by a scholar of habeas corpus in colonial India traces the origins of today’s counterinsurgency doctrine and practice in past colonial governance and policing practices.

James Ron, Frontiers and Ghettos: State Violence in Serbia and Israel (University of California Press, 2003)

The word “counterinsurgency” only appears a handful of times in this lucid and forceful comparative study of Serbian violence in the Balkans and Israeli violence in Lebanon and Palestine. Nevertheless, the book brilliantly shows the particular political conditions which produce different forms of counterinsurgency violence: unrestrained brutality in the “frontiers” and imperial policing in “ghettos.” Architect Eyal Weizman’s Walking Through Walls: Soldiers as Architects in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict” (Radical Philosophy Review, March/April 2006) marvellously dissects the theoretical pretentions of Israeli counterinsurgents whose work culminates in the last instance in the unravelling of the fabric of civilian life in Palestine.

Anthony Short, The Communist Insurrection in Malaya, 1948-1960 (Frederick Muller, 1975)

The British counterinsurgency in Malaya is often lauded (not only by today’s counterinsurgents, but also during the Vietnam War) as the model to be emulated. Although long out of print and difficult to find, Short’s exhaustive history is an encyclopaedic resource, even if its “official” status means that it does pull its punches in some instances. Nevertheless, the avalanche of material collected here (and since made unavailable to researchers with the reclassification of the Malaysian archival material) clearly shows the brutal nature of a counterinsurgency often described as a “population-centric” conquest of “hearts and minds.”

Mau-Mau suspects being watched by colonial troops in Kenya. The British and the French were among the first to confront modern insurgency in the postwar world.


 

Daniel Branch, Defeating Mau Mau, Creating Kenya: Counterinsurgency, Civil War, and Decolonization (Cambridge University Press, 2009)

Although in recent years two very substantial histories of the British counterinsurgency in Kenya have been published (David Anderson’s Histories of the Hanged and Caroline Elkins’s Imperial Reckoning) I have chosen Branch’s book because of its focus on the Gikuyu “loyalists” who collaborated with the British overlord and the local settler government. The book is meticulously researched and, given the propensity of great powers to depend on local proxies, its examination of the indigenous allies is of great contemporary interest. The brutal British suppression of the Mau Mau revolt in Kenya also has in Kenya’s greatest living writer, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, an eloquent chronicler. Among Ngũgĩ’s many writings which incorporate that period, A Grain of Wheat (Penguin Classics, 2002 [1967]) affectingly traces the destruction the counterinsurgency wrought in the lives of ordinary Gikuyu villagers.

The Battle of Algiers (Directed by Gilo Pontecorvo, Italy/Algeria, 1966)

Perhaps the most influential political film ever is certainly one of the least propagandistic and one of the most aesthetically accomplished and intensely emotionally riveting (the film truly deserves the superlatives!). The film was made by a member of the Italian Communist Party in collaboration with an Algerian FLN commander (who also acts as a version of himself in the film), and has the peculiar distinction of having been used both as a training manual by the Black Panthers and taught as a manual of counterinsurgency in the U.S.’s International Police Academy. It was also screened at the Pentagon after the insurgency had begun in Iraq in 2003. The film, acted with one exception by a nonprofessional cast, unflinchingly shows bombings by FLN militants and devastating scenes of torture and violence by the French military. For those drawn in by the film and curious about the French counterinsurgency in Algeria, the substantial narrative history of the Algerian War of Independence by Alistair Horne, A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954-1962 (New York Review Books 2006 [1977]), though problematic in some respects, still has not been surpassed (at least in English). The great Algerian novelist, Assia Djebar, draws on her own experience and that of other women of the FLN to produce a moving and harrowing portrait of the revolt and the brutal French response in Children of a New World (The Feminist Press, 2005).

Khalili

Laleh Khalili, a senior lecturer in the Politics of the Modern Middle East at the School of Oriental and African Studies (London) and author of Heroes and Martyrs in Palestine: The Politics of National Commemoration provides a list of sources dealing with the topic of counterinsurgency. Some of Khalili’s own writings on counterinsurgency can be foundhere, here, and here.]




America’s Permanent War Agenda: Military Keynesianism on Steroids

By Stephen Lendman | 2011-04-01
WITH EISENHOWER FAREWELL SPEECH VIDEO (COMPLETE)

Dwight Eisenhower, the 34th President of the United States of America

Rhetorically resisting tyranny, supporting free peoples, and promoting democracy, in fact, masks a destructive, immoral agenda to subjugate and control, no matter the cost in dollars, public welfare, or human lives.

America’s Permanent War Economy



[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CWiIYW_fBfY[/youtube]

Melman stressed that:

Dwight Eisenhower’s January 17, 1961 Address to the Nation

He added that:

America’s FY 2011 National Defense Authorization Act

In December 2010, Congress unanimously passed a FY 2011 $725 billion war budget, erroneously called defense.

In April 2010, Independent Institute analyst Robert Higgs broke it down in billions of dollars for 2009 as follows:





Add to it regular supplemental foreign war authorizations as well as black CIA, other intelligence, and Pentagon budgets totally at least another $500 billion for a grand total exceeding $1.5 trillion annually.

America’s Addiction to War

The book chronicles over two centuries of war, now menacing nations globally. It explains who benefits, who pays, who loses, who dies, and why militarists fear peace so create enemies when none exist.

Other extreme considerations were also reviewed, the report concluding that:

Libya – America’s Latest “Big Muddy”

As a candidate, he campaigned against imperial militarism, promised limited escalation only, and pledged to remove all combat troops from Iraq by August 31, 2010. He lied. War in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan continue unabated, now another in Libya to control the entire Mediterranean Basin, then on to another, and still more ad infinitum, no matter the cost or social consequences.

UK Prime Minister Cameron concurred, saying:

In other words, when America and Britain wage war, anything goes, in fact, whether or not any UN resolution authorizes it. Washington especially has its own rules of engagement, concerned only about defeating adversaries by any means, within or outside the law.

A Final Comment



Senior Contributing Editor Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.