HAMAS

The long-awaited peace in the Middle East can only come by accepting realities as they are, and by telling the American people the truth. Such honesty, of course, is in severely short supply.

By Gaither Stewart
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working class
SECOND PROTOCOL writes:
The visit to Gaza by the High Representative of European Foreign Affairs, Catherine Ashton, coupled with her statements in favor of the oppressive polices of Hamas forces us to demand her immediate substitution or, as an alternative, an act of courage on her part and her immediate resignation.
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The reasons for our request are as follows:
1. Speaking in the name of the entire European Union, Ashton has demanded that Israel open passages to Gaza, knowing quite well that such an eventuality would permit Hamas terrorists to enter Israel and carry out terrorist acts and to introduce arms of all types into Gaza. Her position is still more irresponsible in that the terrorist group that controls the Gaza Strip has never concealed its desire to destroy Israel. Ashton favors Hamas and the potential destruction of the Jewish state. This is not the position of the European Union.
2. Ashton deliberately ignores the continuous violations of fundamental human rights perpetrated by Hamas in Gaza. She is in total disaccord with European policies and the European Convention on Human Rights.
3.Ashton expresses her personal opinions as if they represented the common policy of the European Union.
4. Ashton supports openly Hamas which the European Union considers a terrorist group.
5. In her numerous visits to the Gaza Strip, Ashton has never taken into consideration the development projects there financed by European funds, and stolen by Hamas. She has proposed other projects, knowing quite well that the funds will end up in the hands of Hamas.
6.On last July 18, Ashton visited summer camps organized by UNRWA (the UN Agency for Palestinian Refugees) for Gaza youth, expressing her satisfaction with the activities of these camps while not saying a single word of condemnation concerning the two UNRWA camps destroyed by Hamas because they admitted both boys and girls.
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Ashton however did ask to see the Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalt, as widely requested, but only whispering a generic call for his liberation. The European Union, of which Ashton is a representative, did express request the International Red Cross be allowed to visit Corporal Shalit.
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For these reasons and for her declarations during recent months favoring support for Hamas (and not of Palestinians), we ask the European Union, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Italian deputies to the European Parliament, to demand the immediate removal of Catherine Ashton from her office as High Representative for European Foreign Policy (Minister of Foreign Affairs) because she is clearly opposed to the position of the European Union.
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Hamas is a terrorist group that holds in hostage 1.5 million Palestinians and each day violates fundamental human rights. Europe cannot have as its Minister of Foreign Affairs or its equivalent who openly supports a terrorist group.
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This request was sent to the President of the European Commission for Foreign Affairs, Gabriele Albertini, to its Vice-Presidents and in the form of a petition to the European Parliament.
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HAMAS
The real Hamas is not the one described above. The above is lie from start to end. Three years ago the then Italian Premier, Romano Prodi, proposed dialogue with Hamas, prompting speculations that Italy had abandoned the American “umbrella.” The intimation was that Italy was edging toward a position shared by Russia, Norway and Canada in favor of negotiations with Hamas in Palestine. Predictably the Italian Right immediately launched vicious attacks on the center-left Premier, while Israel repeated the ritual, “Hamas has not changed.” PHOTO: Hamas Martyrs on parade. “Give us tanks and an air force and we won’t have to blow ourselves up to level the playing field.”
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At that point, the electoral victory of Hamas in the Palestinian elections of 2006 struck like a political earthquake in the Middle East. Hamas has been on America’s black list of terrorist organizations since 1997 and on the European Union list since 2003, along with al-Qaeda and various jihads. Today however Hamas green flags wave throughout Palestinian territories and some westerners shudder. With Israeli leadership in disarray, hardliners in power in Tehran, the non-war continuing in Iraq, and Lebanon in turmoil, relative to power at work in the Middle East, small and powerless outside Gaza, Hamas in power in that non-state today seems like the last straw for Israel, for the United States and part of Europe.
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HAMAS. The very word truly rings ominous. To western ears. For many it means terrorism, kamikaze death squads and terrifying black-hooded militia armed with Kalashnikovs marching across TV screens of the world.
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However in the eyes of the Palestinians of Gaza, just as is Hezbollah for Lebanese, Hamas means resistance to a foreign invader. In Palestinian eyes its hard line resistance to Israel has won out politically over the corrupt al-Fatah Party. In my opinion no peace will ever be achieved on the basis of Israeli-Fatah accords. Too many Palestinians have not forgotten the al-Fatah corruption.
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Nonetheless, Hamas in power in tiny Gaza has turned the Middle East upside down. More hysterical commentators compared the Hamas electoral victory to that of Adolf Hitler elected by the German people. For all concerned, its electoral victory was a turning point in the Middle Eastern drama.
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WHAT IS TO BE DONE?
The United States and Europe are now obligated to deal with the reality of the Hamas electoral victory, achieved in the democratic process, for which America allegedly went to war in Iraq. With fundamentalists and/or anti-Western governments now in power in Iran and Syria, and Hamas in this tiny Palestinian territory, the Pax Americana in the Middle East became shakier than ever. Reality dictates that the American Presidency eat Bush’s words that he would never negotiate with terrorists: the US defines Hamas as a terrorist organization but is obligated to negotiate with it. .
Hamas is so deeply entrenched in Palestinian society that military action against it seems excluded. Though the Hamas’s tough position vis-à-vis Israel suits Palestinians quite well, that its statutes call for the elimination of Israel is unacceptable to the USA and most of Europe. Both Washington and European nations have warned Hamas that it must lay down its arms and recognize Israel before normal relations can be established with it. No problem, cynics and realists reply. Terrorists of yesterday can become friends today.
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WHAT IS HAMAS?
It is a simplification and unjust to label Hamas just another terrorist organization. That has been the erroneous Western position toward Hezbollah, which has become a major political party in Lebanon.
Hamas is not al-Qaeda. Osama Bin Laden is not its leader. Its participation in western style elections violates al-Qaeda principles. Hamas is double-headed. It is both a nationalistic political party and a resistance organization, even more so than in the case of Hezbollah in Lebanon. Its success as a political party came about because of its success as a resistance movement.
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Here is a historical note available on line: In 1973, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin founded the Gaza al-Mujamah, a social organization linked to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Israel itself encouraged the Yassin movement in order to counter Yasir Arafat’s Al-Fatah. This forerunner of Hamas established schools and clinics among poor Palestinians, founded newspapers and created a lively social life. The Islamic University of Gaza became its ideological base, gradually dominated by radicals, dedicated to resistance against foreign invaders.
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The Hamas tie with the Muslim Brotherhood is fundamental. Born in Egypt in 1928 as a semi-political fraternal society with Wahabbist fundamentalist leanings, the Brotherhood has spawned various extremist organizations. The Muslim Brotherhood has a way of creating resistance organizations, then backing away from them, an effective policy of opposition. The Brotherhood’s most illustrious member years ago was Osama Bin Laden. The CIA supported both the Brotherhood and Bin Laden in Afghanistan during the Cold War because of their anti-Soviet position. And the Muslim Brotherhood is the major opposition party-organization in Egypt, with over 60 seats in Parliament.
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On the foundations of welfare-oriented Gaza al-Mujamah, the Muslim Brotherhood created HAMAS, the Arabic acronym for Islamic Resistance Movement, to combat Israeli occupation. A distinction emerged between Hamas the nationalistic political party and Hamas the resistance organization. Arafat’s al-Fatah, the Palestinian party-state of some forty years, and Hamas took different paths. In the years before Arafat’s death six years ago, al-Fatah, while more and more corrupt, displayed traditional nationalistic aspirations, with a close eye on the international scene. Hamas instead was busily broadening its power base among the poor, especially in the refugee camps. funeral procession. (WiKIPEDIA)
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It is true that in 1991 Hamas created a military wing that organized kamikaze attacks on Israel. However, at the same time, a separation of objectives between the political and the military wings of Hamas took place. Hamas’s social welfare program on one hand and its armed resistance to Israel on the other combined to enhance its image among all the Palestinian people.
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In Palestinian eyes it was the resistance of the weak against the strong, of the poor against the rich. Witness after witness testify that the masses of Palestinians today credit Hamas with chasing Israelis out of Gaza. The feeling is widespread that armed resistance pays.
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On the other hand, Israel and the United States have never recognized the distinction between social Hamas and “terroristic” Hamas. In a raid in 2004, Israel killed Hamas founder, Sheikh Yassin, and announced it would continue its program of pinpointed killing of Hamas leaders.  But until Hamas got on the infamous black list of terrorist organizations, Europe continued to distinguish between its two major factions, one welfare, and the other military. No longer.
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It is clear that negotiations with Hamas do not mean acceptance of terrorism. Not to talk however would be to ignore the reality of its position in Palestinian society. What is terrorism or what is resistance has always been a point of view. The (once) democratic country of Israel itself came about on the back of its terrorism/resistance against British occupiers of the Holy Land.
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ELECTORAL VICTORY
Hamas has rightly boasted that what happened in Palestine has never happened in any other Arab country: free elections pointed toward democratic alternation in power between two parties. This development, in the West Bank town of Ramallah, the seat of the Palestinian government, thirty minutes from Jerusalem, seemed to point toward the foundation of peace in the area.
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Not even Hamas expected such a crushing electoral victory in 2006 that awarded it 76 seats in the Palestinian Parliament, and only 43 to al-Fatah. Why, one wondered immediately, why did the Palestinian majority swing their vote to Hamas?
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An Italian journalist who has spent much time in Palestine describes why one educated secular middle class Palestinian switched his vote to Hamas. Though this voter considered the use of force against powerful Israel madness, he lost faith in al-Fatah leaders to stop Israel’s colonization of the occupied territories. Negotiations could not gain Israeli recognition of the Palestinian state nor block the growing wall around his lands. Negotiations could not eliminate the roadblocks, the humiliations and crude treatment of Palestinians by Israeli soldiers, the uprooting and felling of their olive trees.
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This voter shows how foreign invasion of Iraq, torture in Abu Ghraib, and arrests and trampling of citizens’ rights from Morocco to Indonesia have created new support for Islamic radical fundamentalism.
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THE NEW SITUATION
Israeli writer David Grossman once noted the paradox that just at the moment a majority of Israelis were ready to negotiate a peace, Palestinians chose the radical path. The Hamas victory, Grossman charged, was a nightmare also for moderate Palestinians. He did not believe Hamas would change its real nature but he did think its leaders in power would become more pragmatic. At the same time however, a survey in Israel showed that 48% of Israelis favored dialogue also with Hamas.
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Today Hamas has the support of many Arab states, some of which urge it to recognize Israel. Since Hamas never supported Saddam Hussein as did Arafat, the rich Emirates, enemies of Saddam, have rewarded it with funds that previously went to Arafat’s al-Fatah party, much of which apparently went to bank accounts abroad. Egyptians interviewed on the streets of Cairo by Italian TV favor Hamas. The European Union has been ready to continue its annual aid of 500,000,000 euros to the Palestinian Authority as long as Hamas observes the ceasefire.
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raison-etre. With the Palestinian majority behind it, Hamas is in a position to make peace with Israel, as al-Fatah could not.
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It should be kept firmly in mind that Palestine is not a state. It is two territories, Gaza, relatively free of Israeli troops, and the West Bank still subject to Israeli occupation. The goal of both al-Fatah and Hamas is the creation of a Palestinian state. Since the USA claims to share that objective, both the al-Fatah Palestinian President Abu Mazen and Hamas strive for normal relations with Washington. Until today the problem has been the inclusion in the peace plan of an armed Islamic party, Hamas.
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If Palestine is not yet a state, it is a laboratory in which optimists hope to recycle former “terrorists.” Some Hamas leaders appear to be ready for recycling as happened to a limited extent with Hezbollah in Lebanon. Meanwhile, Israel’s latest withdrawal from Gaza convinced Hamas and Arabs elsewhere that they can gain immediate advantages with armed resistance. However, Hamas’s successes can also convince its leadership to rally around a “truce-with-Israel” position in order to emerge from the nightmarish economic situation in Palestine.
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The European Union classifies 40% of Palestinians as poor, living on less than $2 a day. Unemployment in the Gaza Strip runs up to 70%, on the West Bank 45%. Aid from abroad is essential. Aid from Arab states does not suffice. Hamas itself is aware of the utility of its two faces, the more pragmatic political wing on one hand, and the hard line radicals on the other. Recognition of this difference by the West is urgent. The political lesson is: Hamas exists. It is a complex reality that the West must help to evolve so that it works for peace.
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The Trojan Spy, a thriller and morality tale in the tradition of John LeCarré.



HEZBOLLAH

Terrorists, Insurgents or Resistance?

(Rome) Names like Hamas and Mujahideen and Islamic Jihad and Hezbollah that ring strange and scary to the Westerner’s ear and cited over and over in the news create sensations of tension and fear. Hezbollah is a familiar name, often linked to repetitive scenes of tightly knit military formations marching shoulder to shoulder over streets of the Arab world. The more curious observer should wonder who they really are.
Gaither Stewart   8.31.10 Repost
[print_link] For how much can one understand from a name if one doesn’t even know what the name means? For example, how much information about terrorism is comprehensibly transferable to the West by the name, Hezbollah, which means precisely Party of God?
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When the President’s man made that statement, Reagan had called the Libyan leader Ghedaffi “the most dangerous man in the world.” Today, though considered “colorful” and “folkloristic” the Arab Ghedaffi is again a friend of the West.
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HEZBOLLAH
The name rings grim. Just the sound of Hezb-ol-lah in English! The guttural sound strikes terror in the West. Well-informed people in the USA consider Hezbollah a violent terrorist organization. The US State Department labels it the crème de la crème of terrorists, worse than Saddam Hussein ever was and charges it with the 1983 bombing attacks on the US Embassy in Beirut and a Marine barracks, killing around 300 Americans. Hezbollah has also been charged with the 1994 bombing of the Jewish Cultural Center in Buenos Aires.
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Hezbollah however and the people it protects and aids in Lebanon consider it a resistance organization. Like every resistance organization, Hezbollah counts on its fame to help its cause. Its leaders have often wanted Hezbollah to get the blame, or the credit—depends on your point of view—for terrorist attacks. Still today, the United States, Canada and Israel consider Hezbollah a terrorist organization. However, United Europe does NOT include it on its terrorist list.
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For most Lebanese, American insistence on linking Hezbollah to Al Qaeda is ridiculous. But many Americans believe it to be true. Such misconceptions lie behind Washington’s whole strategy in the Middle East.  For Moslems of Lebanon, Al Qaeda is a terrorist group. But not Hezbollah. For Lebanese, Hezbollah is a resistance movement and a social relief organization. The distinction is fundamental. And besides, today it is a major political party in the Lebanese Parliament.”
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An Arab friend told me this: the best way to understand Hezbollah is to think of it first of all as a Shiite political party—the name means “Party of God.” In Arabic Hizb-allah. Hezbollah was founded in 1982 on the heels of the Iranian Revolution to lead a guerilla war against Israeli occupation of south Lebanon. When the Israeli troops abandoned Lebanon in 2000 after 22 years of occupation the entire Arab world considered it a great victory. Guns shot in the air to celebrate the first victory against Israel.  PHOTO (Left) Remains of a semi-destroyed Hezbollah neighborhood in Lebanon, after Israeli strikes. Hezbollah has no air force, or tanks, of course.
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Hezbollah is today popular in the Arab world. It has organized schools and clinics. Its hospitals offer free medical care to its members. It has its own press and TV. Surveys after Israel’s war on Lebanon several years ago showed that 87% of Lebanese supported Hezbollah, including most Christians, Druse and Sunni Moslems.
Nonetheless, Hezbollah is an armed party.
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But, after all, there are armed parties everywhere. America’s Republican Party has armed a whole fundamentalist people in the USA—plus the Blackwater secret militia—who also resort to terrorism, as a rule directed against America.
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More recently Hezbollah has been defined as a political party that occasionally uses violence for political leverage. It is in fact both political party and resistance organization. For the Shiites of Lebanon, Hezbollah is practically a state-within-a-state. That is the way Lebanon is today. Hezbollah is a political party, with its own army and a social service network for the masses in the slums of south Beirut. And it has a budget of millions of dollars!
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So where does the money come from?
Hezbollah claims it is funded by contributions from the Arab world. The United States believes its money and arms come from Iran and Syria.
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Similarly, everyone knows who arms and finances Israel. Even Brits have raised a stink about fleets of American planes carrying super weapons to Israel using British airports.
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NATIONALISM
Hezbollah members wear red bandannas. Its soldiers dressed in green march in tight formations with automatic weapons in their arms. Their yellow and green flag has a fist holding the machine gun. The Hezbollah flag is an old idea, calling for an Islamic Revolution in Lebanon.
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But in Hezbollah, they don’t talk much about an Islamic state anymore. In practice it largely ignores the Islamic Shariah. Lebanese nationalism is the order of the day—political alliances, trade unions, female activists.
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In many ways Hezbollah is practically Social Democratic. The irony is that someday Hezbollah could become a member of the Socialist International together with the Israeli Laborites. They could form a Middle Eastern bloc together. Another irony: Lebanon and Israel are the two most Europe-oriented countries in the Middle East, both sometimes mentioned as candidate members of the European Union.
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Hezbollah emerged as a Shiite resistance movement against the Israeli invasion of Lebanon twenty-five years ago. Fifteen thousand Lebanese died in that war. The victims were Shiites, the poorest people of Lebanon who constitute 40% of the population and the majority in the Iraq the U.S. is about to abandon, in a horrible state after being sacked, tortured and killed in seven years of war against it. Hezbollah became the protector of Lebanese Shiites. Even non-believers felt socially driven to collaborate, despite the party’s initial religious fervor.
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From the beginning, Iran’s Ayatollahs have been Hezbollah’s spiritual leaders, their holy men, and they share the same holy sites at Karbala in Iraq and Qom in Iran. Shiites all. Since Iran was busy with its war with Iraq in the 1980s, it trained Hezbollah militants and let them fight the war against Israeli occupiers for them. Hezbollah launched attacks against one and all of its occupiers—Israelis, American and French.
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It was the same old story. For westerners it was terrorism. For Lebanese it was resistance. The result of the Israeli war against Lebanon then was that as ally and sponsor of Hezbollah, the Qom Ayatollahs gained a foothold in Lebanon and the Middle East.
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One must grasp the significance of the Hezbollah “victory” against Israel in 2000 to understand Palestine, Iraq or Iran today. Hezbollah’s victory proved that resistance pays. It works. Not terrorism, but resistance. They fought with any arms they had and they forced foreign withdrawal. Guerrilla war and resistance are not synonymous with terrorism. No more than antiglobalism is terrorism.
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The terrorist forgets goals. The terrorist forgets ideas in the name of pure terror. He’s a fake nationalist.
The guerrilla instead is a resistance warrior. A freedom fighter. A nationalist. Sometimes he uses the same methods as the terrorist but he has a purpose—liberty and independence for a people or a nation or support for an idea. European guerrillas who fought against the Nazis were the resistance, la resistence, i partigiani, la resistenza. They were not terrorists. The guerrilla warrior has an idea.
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Though Hezbollah perhaps gets some support for its military operations from Syria and Iran—just as Israel gets everything it needs from the USA—and though it does a job for Iran and Syria too, it is more and more autonomous. Long ago it ceased to be an Iranian-dominated and controlled militia.
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Nationalism is the key word. Hezbollah moreover sets an example for other Arab peoples. Hezbollah has said that the question of the existence of Israel can wait. Lebanon’s Palestinian neighbors are impressed with Hezbollah’s winning ways—Hamas and Islamic Jihad adopted its martyrdom tactics.
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But Hezbollah itself has become so political and nationalist that it denounces Al Qaeda attacks on Western civilians. Most people in the West don’t want to know that it labels September 11 an act of terrorism and views the conflict with Israel as an existential struggle, not a conflict over land. In 2005 national elections Hezbollah alone obtained 11% of the vote, while the Resistance and Development Bloc to which it belongs obtained 27%. It has 14 parliamentary deputies and controls three key ministries—Foreign Affairs, Energy and Labor.
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But what about Hezbollah’s recruiting and training kids for martyrdom?
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First of all, Hezbollah today speaks a nationalist language in Lebanon but a language saturated with Shiite theology which the USA defends in Iraq. However it stresses resistance and also martyrdom. Martyrdom is an ancient Shiite tradition, reaching back to the grandson of the Prophet, Hussein ibn Ali, who was slain by troops of the hostile caliph at Karbala in Iraq in 680 A.D. When Israel occupied Lebanon, Hezbollah exploited the Hussein cult to glorify the idea of kamikaze attacks. Though the Hezbollah TV station has promoted martyrdom theology, things began changing a decade ago.  PHOTO: Hezbollah kids on parade.  More a morale booster and propaganda notion for a badly hammered people than an actual weapon. They are not involved in real combat missions.
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Some Middle East observers are convinced that Hezbollah’s evolution is cosmetic, concealing its strategy to make Lebanon an Islamic Republic. Hezbollah denies such an intent. Anyone who is familiar with Lebanon knows that Europe-oriented Lebanese are too pragmatic for that. With their French, English, Greek and ancient cultures, they are too cosmopolitan. They have been cosmopolitan for millennia. Lebanese peoples love Europe. And Europeans love Lebanon and Beirut, the Paris of the Middle East. Unlike the U.S. partner, the Saudis, Lebanese do not have Islamic fundamentalism in their DNA. They are too secular, also too politically oriented for Iran. They are the other side of the moon from Saudis.
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Hezbollah had everything to gain by entering the Lebanese political arena. It wound down “terrorist” activities, although hanging onto its Katyusha rockets and its militia, just in case, leaving both options open—politics and resistance. Its leaders turned out to be right. For in July of four years ago Israel launched a long-planned 34-day war against Lebanon on the pretext of an unprovoked Hezbollah attack on Israeli military units. Israel bombed Beirut, destroying infrastructures and killing thousands of civilians and again reinforced Hezbollah’s image in Lebanon and its maturing nationalist stance.
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Nonetheless, Hezbollah is still considered in the West the most violent terrorist organization. After the 2006 war, Human Rights Watch charged Hezbollah for indiscriminate rocket attacks on Israeli towns with the intent of killing and maiming civilians.
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In the end it all has to do with political power. And that’s where Hezbollah and to a certain extent Hamas in Palestine show their stuff. If anything they are in fact surprisingly less divisive than traditional power structures in the Arab world.
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In an article “Is There A Good Terrorist” some years ago in the New York Review of Books, Timothy Garton Ash cited Schiller’s lines from Wilhelm Tell: “When the oppressed man can find justice in no other way, then he calmly reaches up into the sky and pulls down his eternal rights that hang there, inalienable and, like the stars, imperishable. When no other means remains, then he must needs take up the sword.”

The Trojan Spy.




INTERVISTA: A PLACE TO LIVE —And other selected essays

A PLACE TO LIVE
By Natalia Ginzburg
Chosen and translated by Lynne Sharon Schwartz
Seven Stories Press, 238 pp., $24.00
Reviewed by Gaither Stewart, European Correspondent (Reposted]
There is a category of writers in Italy classified as “Untouchables. Their works are sacred, above negative criticism, especially by literary critics. Not only is negative criticism of their global work forbidden, but also each individual product they pen enjoys near total immunity.
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At the top of the Untouchables list was doubtless Alberto Moravia, who could boast of nearly universal positive critique: as one critical critic wrote, 99.0% for, 0.01% against. Other Untouchables have been Leonardo Sciascia, Nobel poet Eugenio Montale, and Italo Calvino. Now deceased, these Untouchables have largely retained their immunity until today.
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Literary historians complain that they can find no negative opinions of the Untouchables. No faults. No bad books. No debate about them. Montale was universally recognized as a great poet, but, one wonders, is it possible he never wrote a bad poem? Or Moravia, or Sciascia, a bad book? Strangely, critics have overlooked what legions of Italian readers still say about Moravia: “I liked his Racconti Romani – the 61 stories published in one volume in 1954 – but he didn’t write a good book in the last 30 years of his life.”
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“I read that article and it irritated me,” Mrs. Ginzburg told me in an interview not long before her death in Rome in 1991. “I don’t know what the term ‘Untouchables’ means. It sounds like a journalistic invention. Critics have certainly canned some of my works and, on the other hand, I myself have written articles about a lack of serious literary criticism in Italy.
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In an essay of 1970 included in her collection, Mai Devi Domandarmi, [published in English under the title of Never Must You Ask Me, Michael Joseph, London, 1973] she compared the role of the real critic – “of clear, steady, inexorable and pure judgment” – with the role of the father like her heroic, powerful, domineering father described in her autobiographical Lessico Famigliare [Family Sayings]. “We need a critic who knows us [me] and is implacable in pointing out our [my] mistakes and who reveals what we are [I am].” But at the time I interviewed her she no longer cared what critics said about her works, claiming she anyway wrote for only 3 or 4 people.
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The father image remained a dominant factor in Ginzburg’s life as a person and a writer. In Lessico Famigliare, she describes how her father, Giuseppe Levi, physician, scientist, professor and author of scientific works, conditioned the life of the family and their friends. His huge angry and bellowing figure is always before her. “He thundered against my indolence. I felt a holy terror of him: his frowning brow, lined cheeks, curly eyebrows and grim red hair.” The young girl, wife and widow of two husbands, and writer, felt terror of him. And guilt. She felt guilty for everything she did or did not do that caused him displeasure. “In my childhood I knew no sadness,” she once wrote, “only fear.”
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I met Natalia Ginzburg the first time when she opened the door to her apartment in the Historic Center of Rome. She was immediately familiar and very sympathetic. I later thought it was her voice – soft and hesitating, above all, pure – as pure as her writings. Her apartment in a 17th century palazzo was the opposite of what she and her second husband, the professor of English literature, Gabriele Baldini, were searching for when they settled in Rome. She had wanted a house like the family house in Turin, with garden, trees, bushes and pond. But when she first saw the apartment overlooking the Pantheon and Piazza Navona it was home for forty more years. Books, paintings, cats, and maids wandering around the huge salon or up and down creaking stairs, from time to time dusting ineffectually, combined to create an atmosphere of negligent disorder. Mrs. Ginzburg’s only household concern the Saturday morning I spent with her was to ask a maid if she had bought bananas. To me she admitted in an aside that she simply has no ability to command.
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Having just finished Lessico Famigliare, I sensed there the presence of the old Turin households of her generation and the figure of Father Levi. As Ms. Schwartz wisely points in her introduction to the collection of essays in A Place To Live, a reading of Ginzburg’s Lessico Famigliare [Family Sayings, the title I also prefer, or, The Things We Used To Say] is indispensable to grasp the background that formed the writer. Parades of important people passed through the lives of the Turin Levis: from the founders of Italian Socialism, Anna Kuliscioff and Filippo Turati, to Adriano Olivetti – later her brother-n-law – who made of a typewriter factory a modern industrial giant. What writer has not typed on Olivetti’s machines at one time or another? Artists and academics, writers and industrialists, and militant anti-fascists frequented the eccentric family unlike any other in Turin.
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When I asked her about a survey among European writers as to why they write – to which Italo Calvino had answered, “I write because I’m searching for a better book than the last one I wrote” – Ginzburg said, “They didn’t ask me, but I wouldn’t have had much to say. I write because I have to and because I can’t do anything else. It’s my profession. My vocation.”
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I found it peculiar that she seldom exploited in her writing the important people she had known, first at home, then in the Einaudi Publishing House, started up by her first husband, Leone Ginzburg, a Russian Jew from Odessa who immigrated with his parents to Italy. She met and worked with a generation of Italian writers including Cesare Pavese – under-rated abroad – Italo Calvino, Primo Levi – no relationship with Natalia’s family – and Mario Soldati, another giant writer too little known abroad.
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In a flurry of movement of people, ideas and eccentricities in ebullient, aristocratic Turin, Natalia instead always wanted to be more like “normal people.” Perhaps that explains her fascination with two women writers, Ivy Compton Burnet and Emily Dickinson, who led uninteresting lives while their imaginative worlds were intense. Natalia Ginzburg lived in big cities and knew many people, but she wrote about mild, middle class characters, who achieve little, are more or less good, but are far from heroic.
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She however believes that she did use her life in her work. “I have had a life of misfortunes, rather than drama and action. I haven’t traveled but I saw the same things my generation saw – fascism and war. Above all, I have suffered. My first husband was arrested, tortured and killed in prison by fascist police.
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To appreciate Italian writers of the second part of the 20th century one must always keep in mind the role of 20 years of fascism and World War II. However, if Natalia Ginzburg was anti-fascist as were most writers then, and if she quite naturally belonged for a time to the Communist Party, she was always a most apolitical person and the least dogmatic of writers in a country where writers are expected to have opinions on everything.
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TO ROME, TO ROME
The Ginzburgs came to Rome before the post-war movement that brought many of Italy’s intellectuals to the capital. The fascist regime had interned the couple in a village in the Abruzzi mountains near Rome. Leone Ginzburg and Natalia were everything fascism was not. They came clandestinely to Rome to edit an anti-fascist newspaper, until Leone was arrested and murdered in a Rome jail. It was natural that Natalia settle in Rome after the war, where she joined the Communist Party and wrote books, essays, plays and newspaper articles, and subsequently remarried.
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“Though I no longer even like Rome, I have stayed here, linked by memories, seeing only a few friends and my children. Since I don’t like traveling, I sit here at home, thinking and smoking,” she said, lighting another cigarette and unsuccessfully trying to coax one of her Siamese cats to lie quietly on her lap.
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Her reality is however different from her words. In the 1980s she was elected to Parliament as an Independent and went to sessions three days a week, as she said, “trying to develop a political culture,” since she tended to view politics from her apolitical dimension. She said her parliamentary experience was more useful to her than to the political world, which she was supposed to serve.
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Cinema is something else. It is an old love. Her mother went everyday in Turin and dragged Natalia along so that it became part of her life. “Until recently,” she said, “when the cinema degenerated. Now I go to Parliament.”
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“Amarcord seemed to me a happy event,” she began in a typical Ginzburg opening. “Happy events are so unusual. It seems to me Fellini’s best film, and also one of the best films ever made. Perhaps it is not useless to speak of a happy event. The spectator is asked only to look. Fellini talks the language of images and they must first be looked at and later understood. And he proceeds to show us the truth. Of what snow or fog are really like. Or what the melancholy of anti-fascists under fascism was really like.”
She liked Amarcord because it centered on a family of losers, people who feel wonder and surprise and live on dreams, in opposition to the priests and teachers on the side of power. She loved the language of images, which sprinkle her books, concocted, she said, at the moment of writing, in places where other writers use adjectives.
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TURIN
Natalia Ginzburg was born in 1916 in Palermo, grew up in Turin, and lived her adult life in Rome. In ebullient, aristocratic Turin, she claimed, she did nothing but take hot baths, lie on the floor in the mornings eating bread – all the things her father despised and roared about – and then feeling guilty.
“Today,” she repeated, “I sit on this couch in Rome and chain smoke and watch the cats and the indolent maids wandering around the house.”
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Even though she liked to quote writer Mario Soldati’s “You don’t choose your friends,” she disagrees: “We choose some, some are chosen for us, and fate chooses others.”
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At a Turin party the much older Soldati heard about her stories, read them, and later sent her her first telegram: he thought they were good. Her first literary steps and her first steps outside the family were in Turin. She published her first story at 18, married Leone Ginzburg in 1938, and published her first novel in 1942 – La Strada Che Va In Cittá[ The Road to the City] – under the pseudonym of Alessandra Tornimparte. At war’s end she returned to Turin a widow with three children, and again worked at Einaudi Editore.
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“Writer Cesare Pavese was the driving force of the publishing house, leading the battle against the contorted pre-war literary style. He was the major influence on Italo Calvino, who actually changed Italian literature with his clear limpid language. Calvino’s early Le Fiabe Italiane [Italian Fables] was so beautiful that children today learn to write from it.
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“I too believed that the pre-war literary language was the enemy of literature and that we had to find a new language intelligible to everyone. I simplified my language, shortened my sentences, and constructed my language based on spoken Italian. I wanted a concise clear style, and since I wrote slowly I searched for speed and a fast-moving style. Above all, I wanted to be understood and was never tempted by fantastic or surrealistic writing. I try to capture the reader immediately, to enter into communication with him, and not bore him. I don’t consider myself an intellectual, nor my writing an intellectual act. Though writing is hard work, it’s also an act of inspiration, which I find in daily life – daily life projected on the past.”
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THE CHICKENS’ PLOT
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Similarly, she said she would walk a mile to see Paolo Poli, a Tuscan cabaretist and female impersonator, on stage surrounded by boys dressed as women, women dressed as men, gypsy dances, babies born in wine shops, wives betrayed and buried alive, amid which Poli, perhaps dressed as a Cardinal, suddenly sings the old fascist song, Giovinezza in a way that made him the opposite of fascism. There is always a streak of madness in her: as her mother says in Lessico Famigliare when father and brother Gino are released from jail: “And now back to the boredom of everyday life.”
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Quiet, soft-spoken, humble, timid, discreet, unobtrusive, self-deprecating, yet Ginzburg asks herself about Emily Dickinson: “ How can you recognize genius and greatness in a spinster dressed in white out for a walk with her dog? She would seem ridiculous and we don’t like the ridiculous, we [I] like madness. Madness doesn’t whisper, it shouts, and it wears bright colors and unexpected clothes.”
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Ms. Ginzburg told me that she fears boredom – being bored or boring others. Fear of boredom is a very Italian concept.
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And then feeling guilty for her extravagances.
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“Perhaps Moravia is right that man must feel desperate,” she said. “I’m thus a pessimist, with moments of hope.”
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In her confession she speaks of herself as the tired writer whose imagination is dead, who in fact never had much imagination, who has realized he was meant to tell things that happened to him or others rather than invent. “Compared with telling the truth, invention seems to him like playing with a basket of kittens, whereas telling the truth is like being involved with tigers. He once loved invention as he now loves the truth. But his love for invention was meager and cold and gave him back nothing but cold greedy images. But now when he tries to tell the truth he loses himself gazing at its violence and immensity. Is then writing a duty or a pleasure? Stupid! It was neither. In the best of moments, to him, it was and is just living on this earth.”
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After hours of cigarettes and coffee and cats and the useless bustling about of the maids, Mrs. Ginzburg summed up: “I wanted to say that the best of men feel a gulf between themselves and the victors in power. For me this is the malaise of the epoch. I’m on the side of the losers. I know that I would far prefer to be killed than to kill.”
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English readers must thank Lynne Sharon Schwartz, Seven Stories Press for adding this volume of the best of Italian letters of the Twentieth century to our storehouse of culture, as well as the Perugia Italian Language School for introducing Natalia Ginzburg to its students – where also Ms. Schwartz first read Ginzburg’s essays. The selections from three collections of Ginzburg essays included in this volume reflect well the writer’s deceptively simple language, her sense of duty to her writing “craft” as she herself calls it, her sensibility and thirst for truth, and her love for the “essay.” Ms. Schwartz’s excellent selections stress the significance of her home city of Turin, of fascism, anti-fascism, and the war on this writer who, without the necessity of the Untouchable classification, was already widely recognized in her lifetime, especially by other writers.
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Gaither Stewart
Rome
July, 2002



The struggle continues

To Austerity measures: We Answer with struggle!

Editor’s note:

The idea of a people’s party or movement to rise in opposition to capitalism (the actual but seldom used name for global corporatism) is routinely dismissed by the innumerable propaganda mouthpieces of corporate power as ludicrous. Not too long ago, such apologists for capitalist dominance even pronounced class struggle itself “dead” (they conveniently renamed the event “the end of ideology” since ideology had been previously sufficiently slandered as to justify elimination from “respectable politics.”) The obit was of course premature, but the true hypocrisy in such assertions lies in the fact that not only is class struggle very much alive around the world, including the US, one of the most politically confused and passive nations on earth, but that it is continuously practiced from above, often unilaterally, by the very forces proclaiming its demise. The “class struggle” that inconveniences the world’s plutocrats is not a phenomenon dismissable at will, but an inevitabile part of capitalism itself, of the dynamics of history, which causes it. In that sense, it’s as inevitable and impregnable as the unity of “concave” with “convex”. Neither can exist alone as one implies the other.

This is then the context for this report by our European correspondent and Senior Editor Gaither Stewart, currently based in Rome. The report –essentially a position paper prepared by rank-and-file Italian communists from the Naples region and translated by our correspondent—speaks for itself. Much as Americans have been conditioned, like Pavlovian dogs, to cringe in fear and loathing at the sound of the word “communist” or ”socialist”, we recommend this material to our readers.  —P. Greanville

Gaither  notes:

No To Austerity Measures!

La lotta continua!

An immense rage has gripped Greece and the social situation is now explosive. At this moment, the Greek state is unleashing terrible blows against the working class. All age groups and all proletarian sectors have been hard hit. Workers in the private sector, government employees, the unemployed, the retired, students, all persons in precarious jobs … no one is safe. The entire working class risks sinking into misery.

Faced with these attacks, the [Greek] proletariat has reacted. It takes to the streets, demonstrating its refusal to accept sacrifices imposed by capital without batting an eyelash.

But for the moment, the struggle is unable to develop and become a mass movement. Greek workers are experiencing difficult times. What can one do when the entire mass media and all the politicians claim there is no other solution except tightening one’s belt to save the country from bankruptcy? How to resist this voracious monster that is the state 9in the hands of the rich]? What methods of struggle to employ to build a power relationship favourable to the exploited?

All of these question do not concern only workers who live in Greece, but the proletariat of the whole world. We should have no illusions, the “Greek tragedy” is only an anticipation of that which will soon strike workers all over the world. And in fact “Greek style austerity measures” have been officially announced in Portugal, Romania, Japan and Spain (where the government just cut salaries of state employees by 5%). In Italy the same thing is under preparation. All these attacks carried out simultaneously show once again that workers, independently of their nationality, form one class which has the same interests and the same enemies everywhere. The bourgeoisie—the government of the wealthy and for the wealthy—forces the proletariat to bear the heavy chains of salaried labor, but the links of these chains bond together workers of all countries, beyond national borders.  The concerns and interests of workers are global, too. Those under attack in Greece who have begun, with great difficulty, to try to fight back are our class brothers. Their struggle is also our struggle.

Solidarity with the workers of Greece!

One class only, the same struggle!

We reject the divisions the bourgeoisie tries to impose on us. To the old principle of the dominant classes, “divide to rule better”, we counter with the cry for unity of the exploited: “Proletarians of all countries unite!”

In Europe, the various national bourgeoisies attempt to convince workers that they must tighten their belts because of Greece. The dishonesty of responsible Greeks who permitted the country to live on credit for decades by falsifying public accounts are, according to them, the chief cause of the crisis of international confidence in the Euro. All governments are using this pretext, one after the other, to justify the “necessity” of reducing state deficits and the adoption of draconian austerity plans.

In Greece, all official parties, led by the Communist Party, have stirred up nationalistic sentiments, pointing at “foreign powers” as responsible for the attacks. “Down with the IMF and the European Union,” “Down with Germany”…such are the slogans used by the left and the extreme left in demonstrations to save Greek national capital. In this way the dominant class tries to inject nationalism into the workers’ veins, real poison of the struggle.

“accept the sacrifices otherwise the country will become weaker and our competitors will benefit.”

This world divided into competitor nations is not our world. People who MUST work for a living have nothing to gain by linking their fate to that of capital of the nation in which they live. Acceptance of sacrifices today in the name of “defense of the national economy” only means preparation for other sacrifices, still heavier ones, tomorrow.

If Greece is “on the edge of the chasm,” if Spain, Italy, Ireland, Portugal are about to follow Greece, if the United Kingdom, France, Germany, the United Sates are in the storm, it is because capitalism is a moribund system [whose infirmities make life extremely difficult for the average person, not those who benefit from the system]. All countries are destined to this degeneracy. The world economy has been in crisis for 40 years. One recession follows the other. Only a desperate flight into debt has permitted capitalism some growth thus far. The result is that today families, businesses, banks, states are all hyper-indebted. The bankruptcy of Greece is only the most outstanding, general, historic failure of this system of exploitation.

The bourgeoise wants to divide us. Our opposition is our solidarity! The strength of the working class is its unity!

The announced “austerity plans”—euphemistically called “belt tightening measures”— constitute a frontal and generalized attack on our living conditions. The only possible answer is therefore a mass workers movement. It is impossible to conduct this struggle with each of us closed in within one’s own affairs, in one’s own school or one’s own sector, alone. Isolated, in small groups. A mass struggle is necessary if we want to avoid being crushed and reduced to misery.

Now, what are the trade unions doing, these organizations that on paper are the official specialists of the struggle? They organize strikes in various factories … but without trying to unite them. They work actively to strengthen corporatism, in particular putting in opposition workers in the public sector to those in the private sector. They exhaust workers supporting them in sterile days of mobilization. In reality they are precisely the specialists of worker division! And they also inject nationalism. Just one example: the slogan chanted at the manifestation of GSEE (the Greek General Trade Union) in mid March was … “buy Greek”!

To follow the trade unions means to move toward division and defeat. Workers instead must take the initiative of struggle, organizing themselves in general assemblies, deciding collectively the passwords and demands, electing revocable delegates and forming mass delegations to discuss with workers nearby in the factories, offices, schools, hospitals … to encourage them to join the movement.

Do without trade unions, dare to take in hand the reins of one’s own struggle, take the step toward meeting one’s class brothers … all that may seem difficult. And in fact this is one of the major brakes on the development of the struggle: the proletariat lacks confidence in itself, it has no awareness of the strength of its formidable capacities. For the moment, the violence of capital’s attacks, the brutality of the economic crisis, the lack of self-confidence of the proletariat act as paralyzing factors. Workers responses, including in Greece, are a far cry from that demanded by the gravity of the situation. Yet, the future belongs to the class struggle. In face of the attacks on it, the prospects point toward the development of a movement more and more of the masses.

Some people ask us: “Why engage in these struggles? Where will they lead us? Since capitalism is in decline no reform is really possible. Therefore there is not escape exit.” In fact, within this system of exploitation there is no way out. But refusing to be treated like a dog and struggling collectively means to fight for our dignity, it means to become conscious that in this world of exploitation solidarity exists and the working class is capable of taking advantage of this inestimable human sentiment. So, the possibility that another world can exist begins to appear, a world without borders or homelands, without exploitation or misery, a world made for human beings and not for profit. The working class can and must have confidence in itself. It alone is capable of building this new society and to reconcile humanity with itself, passing “from the kingdom of necessity to that of freedom.” (Marx)

Capitalism is a bankrupt system.

But another world is possible: Communism!

Corrente Comunista Internazionale, 30 maggio 2010

For contact write to: italia@internationalism.org




IN SEARCH OF MEXICO: Latin America's enigma (Part II)

FOR WHATEVER REAL REASONS  people come here—foreigners or Mexicans—they also change. People become a little wacky. Their new life is a release from old constraints. They dress differently, and drink more. For many their new personality remains however a role. It is the altitude, or the mountains, or the summer rains, or the winds. However that may be, the atmosphere carries a strain of insanity that causes suppressed characteristics to emerge.

Part Two  | Read PART ONE

GAITHER STEWART [print_link]

Detroit: Industry North Wall, one of his collosal and controversial murals, completed in the United States.

In San Miguel the blue sky is high and near at the same time. Gas fumes hang in the air. Heavy trucks mix promiscuously with Suvs. Yellow and red domes of villas hang from the hillsides. There are small shops on each corner. Along narrow cobbled streets entire families sit in the doorways. As you approach the lower town, elegant shopping patios give way to street vendors and darker skin colors prevail. In the lower town you often hear the beating of drums. Sundays, on a sprawling plaza dominated by a white church with twin bell towers, half naked Concheros wearing high, multicolored plumes dance in front of the church.

We began a new life in our big flat located in a labyrinth of apartments and houses at the top of the hill overlooking the town. We never got involved in the social life of the big American community. Our new friends were among Mexicans. Dictated by social realities, the Mexicans we knew were however not people of the lower town, the real Mexican San Miguel. It was a question of class. hard to overcome. Friends of friends led us into an intermediate social class, a kind of “upper class” Mexican-international set, which however does not mean only white-skinned and rich. We learned that Mexico is a class society.

From my notes about people we knew and daily life, and after a certain gestation, I fabricated ten short stories, several of which are included in my collection Icy Current, Compulsive Course (Wind River Press) including “Dogman,” about the disappearance of San Miguel’s dogs, and “Off We Go Again,” about an exile from the Brooklyn mafia who made a theatrical career in San Miguel’s Peraltra Theater based on his rendition of Vladimir in Waiting For Godot. Since Milena and I are not tourists who have to see everything, we made few trips: a few times we bused to Mexico City to visit friends in Coyoacan and a publisher who however one day absconded from Mexico. Once I went to the capital for a political rally of the leftwing Partido Revolucionario Democratico where I met Obrador who in the 2006 presidential elections lost by a narrow and probably fraudulent vote count. And we drove to Guadalajara to visit Mexican friends who had once lived in Rome, whom we sometimes met halfway for lunches in the Mexican shoe capital of Leon.

Diego Rivera: Making a Fresco (1931)

Diego Rivera

The religions of the two peoples—or were they distinct peoples?—were similar even though one was quasi-monotheistic and the other polytheistic. Besides Judaism, the Etruscan religion was the only revealed religion in the Mediterranean world, revealed through the mouth of the child, Tagete, whose likeness was uncovered by a peasant digging in the fields. The child revealed to Etruscan kings the secrets of the origins of the universe: Tagete assigned the world twelve thousand years of time—in the first six thousand he created sky and earth, seas and rivers, sun, moon and stars, birds and animals, and finally in the sixth millennium, man. He assigned six thousand years to mankind, after which the time of man would end. Mesoamericans at the same time constructed their religions around the suns. Each sun was a new world. We live in the fifth and last sun, and struggle to maintain our world.

Diego Rivera, Day of the Dead

Instead, after extensive reading of the studies of Aztec scholars, I have concluded that it was then as ever a question of power. The killings had to be numerous because they were the statement of the power of their gods and of the rulers’ capacity to represent them. In their competitive world among similar peoples of Mesoamerica their strangeness and the parade of victims across the killing stones atop their pyramids was, I believe, not only to make manifest their power but to also instill its acceptance in their competitor nations. Aztec style is still reflected in U.S. military-economic power today. The same principle applies.

Mexico is Western … and it is not. In Mexico City you see Western civilization. You see the West in San Miguel too. But in the dances of the Concheros on the church plaza you see reflections of the other Mexico. Though few Indios remain who do not speak Spanish—only in remote areas like Nayarit in the West or Chiapas in the South—Mexico is nonetheless more Spanish than countries like Argentina or Chile with all their European immigrants who avoided Mexico. For the same reasons Mexico is also more Indio. Mexico is the other side of the moon from Argentina. It is a country between two civilizations—between Western and indigenous civilizations—and between two pasts—one Spanish and the other pre-Hispanic.

A Cora mystic in a San Miguel cellar told me to remember that Mesoamerica has seen two millennia of civilizations that are not Western. For example, there are the great pyramids and remains from the year 200 of Teotihuacan, the first great city of the Americas. In every Mexican those pasts are present. Such complex pasts make contemporary Mexicans different, even the ones you see working on New York skyscrapers. Mesoamerican civilizations believed that just as worlds can re-flower, man too can re-flower. Death and life are close. Mexicans know what death is. Nowhere else can you touch it like here. Death is the mortal body abandoned by the soul. But death is not eternal. Mexicans overcome death. Death is not a prison. Few people anywhere really believe they will die but fear it anyway. Though each of us believes that we are in a way immortal and do not die easily, we die in fear.

No sketch of Mexico is complete without mention of Cantinflas (Mario Moreno), Mexico’s (and Latin America’s) most famous comedian and cinema actor. He often portrayed impoverished The olive-skinned girl looked Sicilian to me. Mexican mestizos recall southern Italians living in the north, alternately submissive and aggressive. As Claudia predicted, the girl in fact lowered her eyes when she passed. Claudia blamed it on their humility. We shouldn’t be deceived, she said. It was not a matter of color because Claudia herself was just as dark as the mestiza, “It’s social class! You can see it in their eyes and in the way they move. It’s class, not race, and it will never change.”

When I objected that they fought a revolution to eliminate classes, she explained that the Mexican Revolution was not a class revolution. It was about land. The Indios and the mestizos wanted land. They fought the revolution. Yet, Claudia also told us that she avoided the sun so as not to become darker, thus belying her claims that class distinction was not a matter of skin color too.

Isaac’s companion was as white as I, reserved, conservative, cultured, and part of Claudia’s world. His color constituted his belonging.

With his index finger fixed in the corner of his mouth, Isaac looked at his companion reflectively, smiled slyly and said to the others:

“He’s the worst example of Mexicanness. He detests rich upper-class people like you, Claudia, the world he abandoned for me, but he can’t live with poor Indios either. So he’s not at home anywhere. He’s an alien in his own country. But look at me”—Isaac whirled around, his head high, eyes half closed, a beatified look barely concealed by a half smile that said he was at peace with the world—“I’m a real Mexican and I’m at home everywhere.”

Despite sympathy for Claudia, a creation of her bourgeois upbringing in plush Las Lomas of Mexico City from which she sincerely wanted to escape, any European would delight in the scene. My idea of Mexico came to lay in the contrasts among the three Mexicans—Claudia, Isaac and Ricardo.

After all, Mexicans expelled the Spanish so they could become Mexicans. If they are not quite a nation, they are at least a people.

Epic of the Mexican People – Mexico Today and Tomorrow, 1934-35, Palacio Nacional, Mexico City

Life in Rome had seemed linear, one thing leading logically to the next, unfolding as if according to some plan for me. No longer. I thought if I were a fatalist I could blame the world’s upside-down life on the Mexican gods, huddled up there together, now and then waving their magic wands and observing the spectacle of the humanity they created and recreated, each new version worse than the preceding one. How can we even speak positively of evolution? Immoral gods must have inspired our scientists who invented the uplifting name of evolution. Legends about erratic Texcatlipoca seemed no less credible—the sadistic god who first provides the newborn person an individual fate, then sits back and laughs as he watches his creation strut and stagger through his terrestrial pilgrimage. Perhaps one of the gods, I began thinking, can explain why more and more people on our planet live worse and worse, while other people have never been richer. Politicians never admit that many people are acquiring lots of money for no work and too many are getting very little money for a life of work. I imagined a resurrected Tezcatlipoca roaring with laughter at politicians strutting about and spouting market-resolves-all slogans, that progress necessitates a certain amount of suffering but that relatively fewer people in the world are suffering today. And that each person must lift himself by his bootstraps, or disappear.

What bullshit!

Like our landlady’s gardener, Miguel, effacing himself like a slave after being chewed out by the good Christian lady, his lips curled in a tremulous false smile, sulking in the corner of the garden and watering the same spot for half an hour. Miguel said, “Sabe Señor, la vida no es un jardín de flores.” He was as indifferent to the colibri in the garden as he was to a delicate patio chair damaged by his wheelbarrow. Brutishly he seemed to lack the sensibilities with which we credit Latin peoples. Because of the callousness of many of the very poor, he accepted the ugly with the beautiful as part of life and perhaps because of a still inchoate internal revolt that periodically awakened in him a destructive instinct. Rebellion was written in Miguel’s face. Rebellion against something indefinite but evil. If not against the system, then against his past, against his present, against what he had always been. He wanted to yell obscenities as he did at the fiesta. He wanted to break things, steal the landlady’s things and hurt her. He was not sure what precisely he wanted to do. His own ignorance confused him. I saw that look often. It was in the dark ironic faces of celebrating construction workers, drunk as lords on the Day of the Revolution. It was in the faces of street vendors when foreigners haggled for hours over two pesos. Miguel rejected the concept of self-possession. He rejected self-mastery and ordered life. His was the eternal struggle in this part of the world—the battle between the rich white minority and the multi-colored masses of have-nots.

He couldn’t change things. He accepted that. But like any peasant at the fiesta, Miguel wanted chaos.

Mexico is also chaos. Political chaos. Not chaos sent by the gods but constructed by men, the Mexican capitalists in collaboration with America. The social chaos and the insecurity engendered by corruption.

The topics of conversation with Maria Dolores and a group of liberals in Mexico City were, first, criminality, and second, security. Like the taxis: I loved the handy Volkswagen taxis with the front passenger seat removed cruising around the huge city and driven by talkative geniuses. Pero, no! Nunca! I was warned that those uncontrolled little cars were the most nefarious criminal traps in old Tenochtichlan: in cahoots with criminal bands they zip around a corner and stop in a secluded spot for you to be robbed, or worse, by their waiting cronies. Ah, the freedom of innocence!

In San Miguel, on another level, we spoke of the dreaded Federales: How, when and how much to bribe them so they do not confiscate your car, perhaps forever. Night driving is most definitely out. Bandits, you wonder? Or stray cattle on dark roads? Or sudden speed bumps? Or shoulderless narrow roads? Well, yes, those things too. But chiefly because of the Federales out there in the total darkness of the highlands waiting in ambush.

Sometimes, you think you have things figured out. You want to change or you don’t want to change, you believe or you don’t believe, you’re content or you’re a revolutionary, you’re bound to your place in the world or you launch yourself into space, you take out insurance and then stand on the precipice, you study and learn that you know nothing, you learn languages and are told that words express little.

So what are you to do?

I read Mexican writers in the San Miguel library who advise us to concentrate our energies on reaching to the beyond, to what is called in Spanish the más allá. Beyond what words can express, beyond convention and expression and thought. The más allá is kind of nothingness. Maybe a shadow. It dangles before us, a temptress, forever just out of our reach. We have no words for it but we know it can make us free. It makes us want to overcome our human limitations. Yet the intangible nothingness we try to grasp is the ultimate intoxication of our life of dream.

That is Mesoamerican thinking.

One asks what then is there, in that nothingness?

The Mexican answer is: Most certainly God. What else is He but the ultimate, inexpressible nothingness?

Mortal men, divine spirits. The great mystery is, which is true reality? If we accept that we are also Spirit, we still cannot forget the physical container. So the question remains the same as in the beginning, what is man? The peoples of Mesoamerica always confused men and gods. Like Quetzalcoatl, the Plumed Serpent god, who was both king and deity. Like Jesus. Defeated by other gods or perhaps by other men, Quetzalcoatl sailed away, but promising to return. Ancient Mexicans also had their messiahs.

In San Miguel I again became fascinated by winds. After an interview years earlier with Dutch film director Joris Yvens and his film about Mongolian winds and then an article I did on the many winds of Italy’s Lake Garda, winds have become for me a basic element. The winds of the Mexican highland region called the Bajío are enigmatic, transforming palms and bougainvillea on rooftop terraces into silent dervishes. The mystical winds cast a hush over the noisy town, carrying with them the silence of the deserts.

Where do they come from? Where do they go, the crazy winds raging around the plateau among the ranges of the Sierra Madre? The greatest wind of all comes from the barren northern deserts, a spill off from Gulf storms. Maybe the wind originates in Canada, blows down the plains of the United States and northern Mexico, gathering force for the climb up to the highlands. It is forever a mystery. The wind is just there, as intangible as the air in your hand. It arrives from nothing, and returns into nothingness. You hear it. You feel it on your body. It surrounds you and penetrates you. But you cannot grasp it. It is empty. You can take shelter from it but the wind is still there, ubiquitous, victorious, eternal. Many people therefore believe it is divine.

Just as the question of time guided ancient Mexicans, it guides Mexico today. Our life, our existence in the here and now, is a question of time. Are we here, or are we dreaming we are here? Are we only illusion? For the enigmatic Huichols in western Mexico making their identical beads, over and over, always the same, only two times exist—original time and the present. For them the present is merely consciousness of the former time. Their eternal present nullifies both history and the real present. Isolated in their mountains, engulfed by solitude, encircled by invaders, condemned to misery, they spend their lives in search of their original time—the time of a perfect eternity. As for Dostoevsky, for them existence is both illusory and eternal. A hallucinatory dream, it is so real that it transcends reality. A vision awake can be so real that it seems like a dream. That is why it is so elusive, the reason it fades into darkness. For some mystics darkness means the death before life. Darkness is necessary for light. And light is life. Our dreams are in light. Light within the light. Yet the frontier between light and dark is a fine one. Is the dark an empty void or simply the absence of light? Or is dark merely the perception in our minds that there is no light, thus creating the sensation of darkness? In that sense, darkness is only illusion. Light and darkness are not opposites, but complementary, as inextricably linked as death and life.

In the same way that light and darkness meet, for some peoples man is something between earth and God, a meeting point, half human, half divine. Therefore, the similarity between religions and art styles the world over. Like a reflection in a dark mirror, we can only see vaguely earth, man, and a minimal part of our solar system. We know little of these things. To me the earth seems bigger than ever before. So what can we know of God? In that respect, I just pose Hegel’s doubt: What if man were morally superior to uncaring gods?

Or what about this: without the world, God is not God.

That is Mexican thinking.

The attempt to penetrate such mystical freedom can be a terrible thing. Just as the mystic tries to see himself, you too come to see yourself poised to topple over the brink, tumbling, head over heels, crashing against jagged rocks, bouncing off the steep walls, down, downwards, like an avalanche. One word could push you over. You don’t know which word. You only fear the word exists. That elusive word is out there somewhere, and you know it can change your life. Is the word chaos? Or the nothingness, from which everything emerges? Or perhaps it is silence, the metaphor for God.

It seems to me that the whole history of Mexico is a testimony of man’s desire for a god. For ten thousand years men here on this plateau have created their gods—from the sun, from fire, from light, from sound. Gods, gods, and more gods. Ancient Mexicans saw Him in their maize, in the deer, in mushrooms and peyote. I thought of the Cora mystic as a shaman because of the aura of divinity he exuded and the ambiguity of his nature and sexuality. When I met the mystic in the cellar of his mask store he told me that it was the “necessity” (he said) of gods that has made Mexicans both universal and otherworldly. “Our vision has placed us outside time. All our sacrifices have been to rise up to God. Now, I think, it’s His turn to come down to us and love us and help us. To come down and give us a hand and change things. If Solomon was right that man is just a little lower than the angels, He wouldn’t have to move very far at all to change everything.”

One friend in San Miguel was Paul, married to a Mexican. He hated the constant fiestas, holy days, the Great Revolution parade, the Day of the Dead. Above all, he hated the climate. When I once commented that the good climate was the reason Gringos spent the winters here, he said sardonically that the real reason Americans come here is for cheap servants and to escape their placid lives in the States. “There have to be lots of compensations for the contaminated water, the chronic bronchitis, the amoebas, the dust and this shitty climate.” His wife Renata was white, upper class, rich, educated, with nothing in common with the Indios or dirt vendors or working class mestizos. She said she felt like a foreigner in her own country. But the web of poverty that hangs over the lower town saddened Paul. When he was pissed at Renata, he would say he could identify more with the poor classes than with rich white Mexicans, for they were the real strangers in their own country. “Those are the real people out there,” he would say, waving his hand vaguely toward the gate and beyond. He meant the people down in the San Juan de Dios quarter and those in the never completed houses and the shanties on the hill on the road toward Atotonilco and Dolores Hidalgo, which a sign identified as “Olympus” and under which some Chichimec satirist had written with black paint in sprawling letters: “home of the gods.”

San Miguel Gringos are not expatriates even if they like to cast themselves in that category. Most of them run back home at every opportunity—Christmas, their daughters’ birthdays, summer vacations. In San Miguel they are actively engaged in filling up their days on park benches talking about the States and how they enjoy their fascinating and risky life in a borderline country. In reality they miss “back home.” Gringo residents of this art town, many of whom never frequent theaters or art exhibits or chamber music concerts at home, are particularly reverent in the face of any manifestation of art and creativity. Once they arrive in San Miguel they morph mysteriously into artists and connoisseurs of the arts, for the theatrical productions and concerts at the Peralta Theater and art exhibits at the Instituto Allende.

We had a maid in San Miguel. Elena was young, had light skin, was quite good-looking and was an unmarried mother. Her six-year old son came to work with her each day and spent considerable time with Milena or me. Rafael had never seen his father, nor his grandfathers nor grandmothers. He only had his mother. He was a cute and loveable little boy, with dark mestizo skin. I often wondered how he felt about the class divisions and I wrote a short story of the world seen through his eyes. I imagined he was terrified of becoming an Indio because they were so poor and miserable since they only ate tortillas and beans. They were not darker than he. Some were nearly as light as his mother. They looked like other Mexicans. What would it mean to turn into an Indio, he wondered? It was not clear to him why he might turn into an Indian if he didn’t eat as his mother warned. Nor did Rafael understand why Gringos were rich and Indios the poorest people in the world? Quién sabe porqué?” I couldn’t tell him why. Nor could his mother tell him why.

Our friend Claudia’s boyfriend, Juan Francisco, was a very well-known painter. He had frequented the German School in Mexico City, was spoiled and irascible and always criticizing Claudia: “You’re thirty years old, verdad? But you’re still the spoiled rich girl from Las Lomas, still dependent on your father. When are you going to grow up? You don’t even know why you’re here with me. Tell me, if you know. Why are you here? But just don’t mention the word love, please. So why? You know what the truth is? You don’t want to grow up. You know what you should do, niña bien? You should go back home and live your life with Papá and the rest of your class.”

Claudia squirmed at his words raining down on her. Especially that ‘rest of your class’ got to her. Her promiscuity was in pure innocence. Naively, she believed that normal life outside Las Lomas was like that. That was not to say that she felt like the emancipated woman. Her life was simplicity itself. Claudia just had no conception of moral restrictions. Her amorality was a reflection of her entire class. Actually they were Juan Francisco’s origins too, but he shouted to Ehecatl’s winds that he had rejected that ‘disgusting class.’ Above all, Claudia hated his epithet, niña bien, the spoiled rich girl.

“You can have your own apartment and vacation in La Jolla,” he shouted, “but you’ll always be Papá’s little girl, a product of Las Lomas, Mexico City. Away from there, you’re lost. You think you’re immune to the problems that face everyone else but no, dearest little girl, you don’t know what the real world is about.”

San Miguel was for him both haven and exile.

Juan Francisco consciously painted his solitude. He came to believe that his solitude, fearsome and loathsome as it was, was not only his weapon and his defense against the world. It was his art. “That’s why we Mexicans are the world’s best painters,” he boasted. “Our solitude!”

Solitude. Mexican solitude. This is an important concept for thinking about Mexico and Mexicans. As in an instantaneous snapshot, I see myself, or the echo of myself, on a solitary trip to Mexico City. I have just come out my hotel and crossed the Reforma near the Angel Monument. I wander into the Zona Rosa. I again walked through the entertainment district, asking myself why it is in life that one could not withdraw painlessly and enter a new life? And if you succeed, have you really left everything behind? Or is there always a residue? Sometimes, in moments of solitude, there seems to be no escape, and life appears to be a cul de sac.

There is a lot of loneliness in everyone’s life. Loneliness is associated with sadness but also with melancholy, which is not exactly the same thing. Loneliness and solitude are not the same thing either but they are closely related and go hand in hand, perhaps one inside the other. Maybe loneliness is a desire for solitude. Loneliness is very familiar to most of us. It is a feeling, an emotion too. It is the sense of alienation many of us feel in a crowd, at a party, in a classroom, when we are consciously distant from what is happening around us. Lonesomeness is not only intensive loneliness, but also the awareness of your state and wishing it were not so. Solitude is when you really are alone, though it is not necessarily disagreeable. You can choose solitude without feeling lonely. Solitude by choice is positive, a rock and a sign of strength. Loneliness is usually an undesired sense of dependency to be overcome and causes despondency but also the flightiness of creativity.

Artists like Juan Francisco often portray lonely figures. Human, but lonely … or abandoned. I find the essence of the art of my Russian painter friend Anatoly Krynsky in the lonely images of prancing centaurs depicted on a cabinet door in his kitchen. The same as in his clowns and kings, so sad, so alone. Like the little stone figures in his etchings, alone and abandoned. Once united with their creator in the Eden of the artist’s fantasy, now separated, lonely and longing for reunion, perhaps like men vis-a-vis God.

On our hill in San Miguel Allende I came to consider the cactus the symbol of solitude, and thus the symbol of Mexico. A row of cacti in Mexico looks back at you so uncompromisingly, so smugly and yet so alone in the world. The cacti however are quite different close at hand. What from the road might seem to be a mass of green thickets, from up close is independent life itself—throbbing, thriving, and surviving, both receiving the sun of life and giving life—but each alone, as if by choice. They don’t need anything or anyone. I have read that some forms of cactus under certain controlled conditions could survive on the moon. Alone. In lunar solitude. It has to do with oxygen. They don’t need much of it. The magueys. The agave. The noble plant. They provide needles for sewing, fiber for paper, clothing, baskets, medicine, roof thatching, fertilizer, fructose, and above all pulque, mezcal and tequila. You could construct a new human existence with the cactus. The wild plants, in their self-sufficient solitude, seem more real than human life. The cactus could be a way of life. Alone on a desolate cactus plain. Alone with a homeless soul that like Juan Francisco hangs onto Claudia’s tits for salvation—the crying, searching, falling, emerging, swearing soul, in search of self-sufficient solitude.

You need earthliness and the great act of individuality to reaffirm your human link, rejecting loneliness and cherishing solitude. First, romanticism and individuality, then rejoining. In that order. Yet you have to detest contrived individuality and flamboyance for flamboyance’s sake. You have to hate the strutting. Sometimes you would like to be a show-off, scandalous, quarrelsome, vehement, implausible, nonsensical, exuberant and bold, all in order to reform, so that your rebellion and diversity and your solitude would be more meaningful.

But in Mexico I came to compare my differentness with that of the cactus. Or with the Aztec. It lies deep in me. Only I know it.

In Mexico I also became aware that I was fortunate in that I was not numbered among countless, in-tune-with-themselves, normal people. For me, the fixed, attuned, comfortable people are the real foreigners. They are the lonely ones. I can’t help but feel disdain and pity for the “normal” ones. You have to coddle your desperation. Your solitude. Some people who start out in normality, attuned to life, somewhere along the way let down their safeguards and let go their sanity and allow their real selves, their mad, uncontrolled and uncontrollable, wild and tumultuous solitary selves to surface. And are devoid of one iota of envy for ordered, sane, directed lives.

Secretly I had thought of our move to San Miguel as a move toward the sanity of disorder, another attempt to start life anew. Once I had felt compelled to get a grip on things. To get a handle on life, the ordered condition that I also sometimes imagined probably didn’t exist anyway. But what would it be if it did? A generalized awareness? A consciousness of everything? That, I came to realize, would be more terrible-wonderful than my out-of-tuneness, my waywardness, my solitude. Now, surrounded by Aztecs and pyramids and the New in the Old, bathed by powerful Bajìo winds sweeping down the plateau at two thousands meters, compulsions for order slipped away from me.

My old world had surely ended.

For greater pressing reasons we left Mexico anyway. Yet I had had time to perceive a premonition of new miracles in the air. The portents were there.

While I was writing this in the village of Montagna in Alpine Italy my friends, to tease me, often played a disk of the Pink Martini with the slow, plaintive, melancholy rendition, with loud and languid trumpets and a tinkling piano in the background—for the solitary Mexican effect you have to pronounce each word singly, with a pause between each phrase—of Que serà … serà that in a way bedevils my attempts to disdain destiny and somehow sums up my arrival and departure from Old Mexico:

Que serà … serà

Whatever will be … will be

The future’s not ours to see

(The above was recorded in Montagna di Valtellina in August of 2006.