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THE GREANVILLE POSTis a counter disinformation site and media monitor created to oppose imperialism in the hybrid war sphere and to advance peace, socialism, healthier cultural forms, and an urgent shift in the manner humans treat nature and animals. As such if often spotlights the increasingly common intersection of induced stupidity, high-handed political fraudulence and domestic and international criminality which characterize life in the American Empire and its satellites around the globe.

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Italy: The Weak Underbelly of Europe

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The Malfunctioning of the Bel Paese


After World War II the USA and NATO labeled Italy the “soft under-belly of Europe”, chiefly because of the presence of  The Italian Communist Party (PCI), Europe’s biggest political formation of the left. Because of capitalist Italy’s unpredictable and individualistic character existing like a Trojan Horse inside the European Union (EU), that label stuck even after the PCI died following the dissolution of the USSR. The party’s later iterations were reduced to rivulets as dry as the river Po in August and about which hardly a murmur is heard today. That label however has conditioned US-NATO relations with Italy since then. The Bel Paese became not only a US vassal state but an occupied country, an aircraft carrier jutting out toward North Africa and hosting dozens of US military bases. Today’s La Repubblica, Italy’s major newspaper, reported that 70 American atomic bombs are concealed on the US Airbase of Aviano in NE Italy, the greatest number in one country of the 180 atomic bombs scattered across Europe.


Italian Communist rally: where have all the flags and raised fists gone?


Even though other Europeans love the country of Italy, the negative view of political-economic Italy remains. Aloof Italian leaders however overlook the patronizing superciliousness toward the nation Italy in the European Union. In this regard I will mention au debut one puzzling non-political observation: the West European and American foreigners who snob the nation Italy from abroad, in Italy become like bashful, ill-at-ease children when they encounter suave and urbane Italians at home in Rome or Milan, or in Florence or Venice.

Yet that Italy is not a land of roses and flowers.

My son, born and raised in Rome and a resident of New York, recently traveled to Italy with his family for their annual visit. Their Alitalia flight was scheduled to leave JFK Airport at 9 pm on a Friday; they departed at 2 am. On arrival in the Eternal City the next afternoon the family then waited two hours for the car they had reserved in order to transfer to a reserved country house in the region of Umbria about 75 minutes from my house in Rome. The roomy house was located at the end of a barely negotiable road, described generously by them as “a house of a certain faded elegance”, thick dust on old furniture and unencumbered by modern appliances like air-conditioners to combat the 100°+ temperatures. On their way to my house the next day the GPS in the shiny new car sent them off into the wild blue yonder far from my location within the city limits. By the time they arrived the jet-lagged foursome just wanted to sleep. Unlikely they will ever fly again Alitalia which is perennially losing millions of euros per day, firing personnel  and searching for a rich and foolish partner so that the Tricolor flag airline survives. When after five days in the Umbrian countryside the happy family settled into a roomy downtown apartment in Granada my son quipped that “though hot, south Spain is a breath of fresh air.”


As a direct result of the malfunctioning of Italy over 100,000 of the country’s best youth—most with university degrees—leave Italy each year for greener fields. Polls show that two of three young people (18-34) have lost hope. And the younger they are the less hope they have in the future. They leave Italy because they cannot find work commensurate with their abilities (in this republic constitutionally based on labor!). Or they can find no jobs of any kind. All the while youth unemployment has skyrocketed to far over 50% in south Italy. Six to ten Italians think that young people will not be able to achieve the social position of their parents. They leave and most do not return. The brain drain is a mounting disaster.



The young Italians depart and unskilled and untrained refugee-immigrants arrive while United Europe leaves the social and economic hardships created by refugee masses to Rome. Meanwhile Italian companies shut down or move to countries like Romania for the cheaper labor; entrepreneurs abandon Italy because of impossible taxes, corruption and the deep-seated structural inefficiency of services and the public administration. Bureaucratic regulations for startup enterprises –the only hope for youth—are lengthy and complex and expensive. Hiring and firing personnel is ridiculously expensive. It is a vicious circle: the best people leave because of inefficiency, resulting in worsening still more services and efficiency and in turn augmenting the loss of hope and more forced departures for Germany, UK, France or elsewhere.


Zeroing on Siciliy, Divorce Italian Style (1961) was director Pietro Germi’s fierce satirical fusillade against Italy’s obsolete ways of life. A postwar classic, it remains a window for foreigners  into the  charming but largely incomprehensible Italian character that tolerates corruption and even murder when done according to the unwritten rules of the game. (Still: Marcello Mastroianni, in the lead, as Barone Cefalu, with Daniela Rocca).

[dropcap]I[/dropcap]ncompetence and corruption permeate government, non-profits and the business sector with tragic regularity. It’s literally an old, old story. The bureaucracy in the Roman Empire caused the same problems of today. Not only Rome’s present government and its agencies and its military and police forces—even the mafia—are in the hands of a ferocious and itself corrupt bureaucracy. Since the year one a.d. it has operated under the paradoxical motto of visto che abbiamo tanto, perché non avere-prendere tutto? Since we have so much, why not have-take it all? That motto has proved exportable and its effects have become even more powerful across the Atlantic. That motto alone makes mankind’s search for a new social impulse vain and rhetorical.

“…to be anti-corruption is in essence anti-Italian.”

For much of Italian society it is almost as immoral to be actively opposed to low-level corruption as to demand bribes for performance of one’s duty. You call a trusted plumber or an electrician, you pay in black. Not even a mention of receipts. You call an authorized maintenance company and pay twice the amount. Two distinct though overlapping economies exist: the surface economy faces huge taxes and bureaucratic impediments and corruption; the underground economy belongs to the people, it too however corrupt. The latter is a society in which the difference between the corrupter and the corrupted fades. A society in which to be anti-corruption is in essence anti-Italian. At fault is also the city’s history: generalized corruption has come about because of Rome’s long and jagged past—a city so old it can stage a major exhibition in its Campidoglio dedicated to its first emperor, Augustus, of two thousand years ago, whose bureaucracy was infected with the same identical corruption. Though ancient and a legend for the rest of the world, for Romans the emperor of two millennia ago is almost current history, so that the vices of the society he founded still make a socio-political model for its peoples.



Paradoxically most Romans live their entire lives during which the word corruption does not exist. Or it has lost its significance. In the memory of every true Roman the name of Augustus is fixed from birth. Yet the Emperor’s image is non-exportable, in the same way that real Romans are non-exportable, one reason for which is the “comfort” offered by low or high level corruption.

Though Augustus and corruption are part of the glue that holds the Italic peoples together in one nation, some religious philosopher has said that the permissive Catholic religious culture unites contemporary Italians more than any other factor. Italian Catholicism has one determinant feature: forgiveness. Forgiveness in theory is a virtuous quality which however exerts a negative effect in practice: forgiveness allows believers to ignore the laws of the land with impunity and reduces to zero the fear of paying for errors. If you examine why people forgive one another so easily you often find that it is to liberate themselves from constraints. Those who seek forgiveness are afraid of being held accountable for their misdoings and those who give their forgiveness are scared of holding others accountable for their behavior because answerability could be turned against them. Moreover, the ease of obtaining “official” spiritual forgiveness makes the Italian cunning, crafty and roguish and engenders the necessity of defending himself from his fellow countrymen still more cunning than himself.


Mario Monicelli’s Big Deal on Madonna Street (I Soliti Ignoti), a legendary, often copied 1958 comedy, showcased the talents of Italy’s emerging young actors, including Marcello Mastroianni, Vittorio Gassman, Renato Salvatori, Claudia Cardinale, Tiberio Murgia and others. The movie also boasted the talents of veteran performers like Toto, Memmo Carotenuto, and Carlo Pisacane. The plot itself, about an incompetent band of would-be burglars and petty thieves pressed into breaking the law due to hardship and unemployment, was also a study in the art of survival under terrible social circumstances, Italy’s communal spirit among the poor, and her morally elastic attitude toward nonviolent crimes.

Because of their culture of forgiveness Italians are tolerant one of the other and surprisingly do-gooding though such positive characteristics are today threatened by Europeanization and laicization of the nation. After my decades here I have come to believe that the “traditional” Italian prefers cavorting in rampant but straightforward nihilism and anarchy. 

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen decades ago I moved from one life in Germany to a new experience in Italy, I drove again over the Brenner Pass through the Alps separating Italy from the north, amazed that the transition, though more gradual, was nearly as palpable (not quite but close!) as the passage from the USA to Mexico at the Laredo border. I paid attention to the Italian names of border cities that I had known in German. Those Italian versions are more beautiful. And then the rain that had tailed me from Munich slackened and the sun peaking through thinning clouds seemed to hold the promise of a new, more exciting life.


Italian partisans, most of them Communists or anarchists, played a significant role in expelling the Nazis from the peninsula.

Then I arrived at Trento, the south part of Alto Adige. The Council of Trent, sixteenth century. Great university. To the east the Dolomites soaring heavenwards from the plain. After WWII the Allies gave to Italy the South Tyrol, now named Alto Adige, after the Adige River running from Bolzano to the sea near Venice. German-speakers in rich Bolzano to the north are dissatisfied because their separatist-dreaming province is united with the ‘disorganized’ Italian-speaking Trento area.

Dissatisfied was also Renato Curcio, a student of Marxism-Leninism at Trent’s renowned Faculty of Sociology: he founded the Red Brigades in 1969, the feared and loved Brigate Rosse. An underground organization. Revolutionary. Fire and sword. The aftermath of the fiery year of 1968. Modeled on Tupamaros in South America and Germany’s Rote Armee Faktion and allegedly supplied with arms by Czechoslovakia and the Palestinian PLO, his BR had the moral support of three million sympathizers in Italy. Robin Hood overtones: rob the rich and give to the poor; down with the elite. Renato’s Brigadists believed the state had a heart and that they could strike it.


“Gladio has survived  in the darkness of the secret world. Much of the world is still hostage to its strategy of tension …  a ring of fear to justify state wars, state terrorism and military interventions and suppression of its own peoples…people never get it.”


By 1968 disillusionment had infected this south European land. As a result automobile and sheet metal workers became militant and aggressive, strikes and demonstrations quotidian … until Gladio bombs in a bank on Milan’s Piazza Fontana stopped the strike wave dead in its tracks. Then the police ran wild, hauling suspected leftist sympathizers in for questioning and intimidating their families, while the government passed emergency laws against suspected terrorists. This successful method of social control came to be called ‘the strategy of tension’, tension being a key factor in the psychological conditioning of the populace.The system could not last. Nor could the brutal reality of corrupt Italian secret services and maniacal CIA agents running amok.

Werner Wolff (no relation to the Nazi WW2 hero) was among the Communist partisans who captured and shot Mussolini. Wolff’s is a common Northern Italian/Tyrolean surname.

  a ring of fear to justify state wars, state terrorism and military interventions and suppression of its own peoples.  As in the USA and much of Europe, the people never get it. They are afraid. Special laws are passed and thousands of leftists are imprisoned. The populace must be afraid so that promises of security will be believed. Fear is the point. You create it with lies. That is why the state suppresses dissent, for truth is the enemy of every authoritarian state. The state media still defines Communists as the enemy. Anything is justified to crush them. Communism and terrorists and Islamic fundamentalists … and immigrants too.

Wlliam Colby, a devout Catholic, and onetime chief of the CIA’s Phoenix mass assassination program in Vietnam, died under mysterious circumstances. Colby lived by and embodied the notion of American exceptionalism.

A chance encounter-interview with the ex-chief of the CIA gave me the apparent confirmation that Gladio truly existed and was an American affair. That day now years ago I had just attended a press conference in Rome’s Grand Hotel and was sitting in the hotel bar alone when William Colby—there for that conference—sat down on a stool next to me.  We exchanged small talk about Italy before I revealed I knew he was the former director of the CIA and asked him about Gladio which I intended as a provocation. To my surprise he bragged that the covert action branch of the CIA after World War II built throughout Western Europe, what in intelligence trade parlance were known as ‘stay-behind nets’, was still alive. He said the Pentagon didn’t bother to take a stand on the subject of the secret NATO stay-behind armies because it was not even questioned by the US press. The networks were clandestine but were ready to be called into action as sabotage forces when the time came. “In 1951,” Colby said, “the chief of the CIA in Western Europe sent me—then a young intelligence officer—to help build the stay-behind network. A secret army. All top secret at the time. Our aim was to create an Italian nationalism capable of halting the slide to the left,” he said as if speaking of ancient Roman history. When I remarked that to create it they used fascist terrorists whom I had met, Colby didn’t even blink. People like Colby are truly convinced of their exceptionalism. And they don’t care about anyone else. Not even their allies.

And then rampant corruption. Later even some Red Brigadisti fell to the God corruption. Every value was for sale. Everyone had a price. For after Curcio’s time passed in 1976, a second wave of less ideologically-inspired Brigadists took over the red columns, this time manipulated by the secret services and the CIA. That experience has been repeated worldwide, from Afghanistan to Yugoslavia to Libya.

Premier Aldo Moro was abducted and killed in  1978—according to the rightist government of then by the leftist Red Brigades; according to the Left by the government and the CIA which couldn’t digest Christian Democrat Moro’s desire to bring the Communist Party into the government. That occurred after the secret services had taken over the infiltrated revolutionary movement, even though a few of the still true Brigadists believed that they could change the flow of history and rally the long-awaited revolution. A battle for justice and equality. Get out of America’s NATO. Get out of the European Union. Look eastwards. Ironic that leftist demands of then are the demands of some of the world Right today. All revolutionaries have grandiose plans, ambitious to transform the world. The goals of the genuine Red Brigades were never limited to changes that just somehow occur; their goals were those they themselves could bring about. Like Communist revolutionaries of late nineteenth century Russia, they imagined the coming revolution as a transformation, not just of Italy’s political and socio-economic order but of human existence itself. Like Leon Trotsky and like the poets Shelley and Keats who rest in Rome’s Testaccio cemetery they too wanted to overturn the world. What happened to the original Red Brigades often happens to revolutionaries. Changes were out of their control. They thought they were doing the right things to accomplish aims that they believed the Communist Party from which they came shared. The originals who dreamed of making a revolution were loyal to their aims. But as time passed, the objects, persons, faiths, ideas, nations, the iconographic objects in which they believed and to which they adhered betrayed their trust. When the time came their own party no longer shared their goals. The objects of their loyalty became disloyal to them. They became outcasts in the same way as did 16th century Giordano Bruno whose monument stands on Rome’s Campo de’ Fiori. The priests of back then banished Bruno from their ranks because he was convinced that religion was a mass of superstitions. Bruno’s unstinting rebellion on all fronts led him to the stake.

For many years I was drugged by the southern world: the brew of the pullulating cultures; the juxtaposition of the two seemingly incompatible cultures of North and South; the North, young, pristine and dark; the South, old and self-satisfied, bright and corrupt. Bolstered by the shield of Goethe and Stendhal, by generations of Italophiles and the German masses who summers head south for restoration, I surrendered to its lures. I perceived what I had missed in the North: the sensation of living a life of constant inebriation that however at any moment could transform into excess.

David Lean’s Summertime (1955), with Kathryn Hepburn as an ageing heartland American tourist in search of romance, and heart-throb Rossano Brazzi, representing the Italian realistic attitudes toward life, was as much a Hollywood formula film as a study in a clash of cultures.

Now, after all these events, I wonder. How could I have thought things were so different here? My attachment to this land was an act of love, a love that forgave the shortcomings of its unpredictable peoples. The new ways I absorbed were not always pleasant, in fact they were often as beautifully violent as the peninsula’s climate. But despite the obstacles, I integrated. And gullibly I granted my new land a kind of immunity. But with the passing of time my relationship with the country became ambiguous: I loved it but I lost trust in it. I began telling myself that I just live here. I looked around for others like me for confirmation, albeit I never became an expat to whom I feel antipathy, those happy-go-lucky Americans et al dressed in native fashions who after a few months in Paris or Rome return to Kansas City or Manchester for Christmas holidays for a taste of genuine life. As soon as they settle in foreign lands—be it Prague or Berlin or Kerala—they seek out other Americans and join an Expat club so as to feel less the distance from real life. Yet, to be fair, the choice of the expat life indicates signs of a desire—even if a bastardized imitation of reality—to be part of the world of the others, so ignored and despised by their own exceptional society.

Psychologists and environmentalists have established that it takes a few years for the transplanted foreigner to become sensitive to Rome weather. And infected with what has been called the Jerome Syndrome. When March sunrays at noon on downtown piazzas bring out innocent Nordic tourists in shorts and sandals, suspicious Romans instead mutter marzo pazzarello, crazy March, dress in multiple layers of clothing and stick to the sunny sides.

Before I moved to Italy I had imagined people sunning on Rome’s beaches in March … lounging on white deck chairs under colorful umbrellas, radios blaring, kids kicking up sand, beach volley, kites flying, fast boats roaring past, ice-cream vendors … and couples in the sand close to going all the way. The Jerome syndrome is not new. Quite old in fact. The gist of the syndrome is that after reading a Roman medical journal the English poet Jerome discovered he suffered from all the city’s winter illnesses, the aches and pains … and the popular influenza or simply a head cold. His hypochondria became known as the “Jerome Syndrome”. But then I caught it too. The city’s humidity, the sudden freezes and the winds. Antibiotic times. Rome winter. The Rome dialect poet, Gioachino Belli, wrote the most appropriate oxymoron about the syndrome’s causes: the ‘freezing tramontana emerging from hell’s fire’. The tramontana wind arriving from Siberia brings sicknesses like the chilblains that had plagued the centurions of the legions of ancient Rome.

I flitted through the streets of my eternally new city of Rome, seeking confirmations. Over cobbled alleys in the center and through the ugly semi-periphery, and through the open-air markets to the pulsating train stations, examining deserted tram tracks haphazardly covered by layers of fresh macadam but patiently waiting for the next tram to arrive—which does happen: trams are re-born into new existences, emerging magically from the pressed tar to add to the confusion Romans love. I hiked the length of ancient Via Appia to investigate the tombs and imagine the cobbled road marked by rows of the crucified dissidents of Spartacus and marching legions herding new slaves and prisoners of war from conquered foreign lands and future victims whose blood would flow on the sands of the Coliseum. Though I sometimes felt a distance from Rome, I simultaneously strived for connection with it—hoping for rapid unification of foreign me with elusive it.

Mystification is Rome thinking: the city has always been a mixture of myth and fact. The Roman historian Pliny the Elder wrote of an occult name, a reserve name for Roma that was known only to a select few. One ancient specialist alleged that to utter that sacred name outside top secret rituals was a crime carrying the death penalty. Such a legend will ring strange to foreign ears; yet might account for the millennia-old follies of the city’s denizens. All the same that secret name proved to be knowable: a derivation of Ara Volupiae or Altar of Volupia”, a Roman goddess. Oblivious to the death penalty, a Rome architect revealed to me the secret: through a series of mystical gymnastics, from the intense pleasure of voluptas you arrive at the Greek Eros, whence to the Latin Amor which as even non-etymologists can decipher is Roma written backwards. I thought I had made an astounding discovery until I noted the graffiti scribbled in black and blue and red on Rome’s subway station walls by young sweethearts who know when and at what age the word was born: the simple palindrome: ROMA-AMOR, AMOR-ROMA.

Later specialists claimed that the secret name theory derived from a Renaissance idea of creating a parallel Rome of economic power to the north, leaving the political-cultural life in the fraudulent hands of the Vatican whose presence many Romans consider the cause of the city’s backwardness and wish it was back in Avignon.

The ancient world’s biggest city became the power center of that former world. It had central heating systems, poetry readings and the nocturnal police patrols that Romans scream for today. Above all it had its legions. War! War and more war. The great aberration. The great temptation to Power in all times and climates. Few resist. With another war going on the Roman plebe could not do anything he pleased. War justified suppression. A crucifixion on Via Appia or a round of torture in a dank dungeon or an encounter with a gladiator or a hungry lion in the Coliseum arena took care of any individualism on the loose. Julius Caesar is simultaneously accused and credited with the elimination of the Roman Republic: after the demise of the Republic it was a cakewalk for his adopted son, Caesar Augustus, to create the Roman Empire. Historians inform us that Emperor Augustus’ most important achievement was to free imperial Rome from the threat of civil war by defeating the armies of Cleopatra and Marc Antony ensconced in their love nest in Africa, thus solidifying the Empire. Though it is historical child’s play to view simply as a tool to a political end the myth of the godlike nature of Augustus—born Gaius Octavius, or Octavian, in the town of Velletri in the hills of the Roman Castles area—the Emperor was admired by the mishmash of his peoples over which he ruled for forty-one years. Multiple sources concur that the living ‘god-in-waiting’ inspired genuine adoration: archaeological evidence suggests that Augustus was worshipped in the most far-flung corners of the Empire which he assembled by way of the conquest of most of Western Europe, North Africa and the Middle East, and laying claim to all the lands around the great Mediterranean Sea which Romans then called “the Roman lake”, or Mare Nostrum, our sea. Rome—city-state-nation—became an empire on the strength and loyalty of Augustus’ pampered professional army, the most feared military force of ancient history. Gibbon labeled the two hundred-year relative peace beginning with the rule of the boy from Velletri as the Pax Romana, the Peace of Rome.

The citizen of maturing Roma-Amor also had to face the most powerful bureaucracy ever known to man. Down through the ages rapacious invaders occupied the city but two things they could never change—neither the class society nor the slippery bureaucracy, neither of which have ever been subdued. Ancient Romans invented the concept of urban planning—Emperor Trajan built markets close to the Coliseum so that the plebe and his family could shop on the way home after a day at the killings. The Consular highways arriving from the corners of the empire pointed to the heart of that centralized power that already two millennia ago was concerned about the costs and complexity of upkeep, repairs, restoration and public transportation. How to finance it all as the question. Imperial wars was the answer.—one war financed by another—its professional army marching outwards over those ancient highways. Roma made the model. The roads, the legions, the arenas. Mussolini made a faulty copy of the Roman army. Hitler copied perfectly the Consular roads with his Autobahn.

As in most legends there is a grain of truth in the story of the twin brothers, Romolus and Remus, sons of a vestal virgin, abandoned on the River Tiber, suckled by a she-wolf, who then founded the city of Rome on April 21 in 753 B.C. But then according to another legend the city was founded much earlier, 438 years after the fall of Troy in the East in 1182 B.C. In either case, while north Europe was still a vast forest of darkness inhabited by babbling barbarians, the Etruscan king Servio Tullio incorporated Latin, Sabine and Etruscan peoples into the urban area around seven hills near the Great Sea—Capitoline, Palatine, Aventine, Quirinal, Viminal, Esquiline, Caelian—and enclosed the new city of the sun within the Servian Walls. Today, 2750 years later—despite the city’s periodic ups and downs—after an unbroken chain of dates and numbers and births and deaths and invasions and wars and blood-soaked arenas, among the reasons for Romans’ (sometimes linear, sometimes circular) vision of life, their fatalistic-anarchic concept of history and their lack of true spirituality, those same seven hills remain the center of Roma-Amor, while the ensuing class divisions of the new state divided between patricians and plebeians continue down to our day and have infected the entire capitalist world … as if Rome had made an eternal model. Città eterna!

The millennia of successes and failures, of victories and defeats, of Kingdom, Republic and Empire, seems to survive in the genetic makeup of contemporary Romans. I too feel the influence of those millennia and ask myself what other purpose the model of the deep-rooted class society of the corrupt, militarized Romans has served if not to enslave the majority of mankind. Romanism, Aztecism and Americanism are the exact contrary of the perfect society in which the ancients supposedly aimed at the elimination of inequality among parts of nations, at equality in parts of each people, and at betterment of the individual. Were that the reality, terms like Superpower would be meaningless today in a time in which thinking persons with unfettered minds are convinced that our world, as contemporary Earth people know it, is ready to destroy itself.

A peculiar dualism marks the Italic peoples in general: the conflict of their destructive attraction to anarchy with an enduring desire for order. This still unresolved twist of character has been Italy’s historical stumbling block: their necessity of a strong-armed authority—whether a homegrown dictator or a powerful foreign occupier—which can provide the cement to make of them a cohesive nation … and make them feel more like other Europeans. Similar to their permissive attitude toward Fascism last century they perceive of a charismatic leader as a shield against disorder. In effect protection from themselves. Promises of more police and more security are reassuring to those who see today’s enemy in immigrants and Europe and all its rules. When a powerful authority to control their inclination toward anarchy goes missing, some form of escapism and servility to a higher power from elsewhere reigns. Since Italy continues to exist as a modern European nation this formula implies that the idea of salvation in escapism and servility has surpassed—by a hair’s breadth—the deep-seated intensity of their atavistic anarchic bent. However that may be, the historic reliance on an extraneous authority has left a mark of servility on them. A perverse stain. The servility reaching back to their roots smacking of that of colonial peoples, overly sensitive to what foreigners think of them. At the same time they are forever in fear of the foreign invader of their lands coming from across the seas or over the Alps. Therefore, the observer thinks: why are Italians today not up in arms against the occupation of their country by US troops and aircraft and chemical and nuclear weapons…?

Rome is a sequence of one city-civilization after the other, one atop the other, a veritable mount of peoples and time: Republican-Imperial Rome at the base, Medieval-Renaissance Rome atop the base and, resting on both, elusive, misunderstood and misread Modern Rome, capital of an Italy re-united (in theory and in name) only one hundred and fifty years ago following centuries marked first by kingdom and Republic and Empire, then by foreign occupation, and for those reasons characterized by a preference for its geographical separation from the rest. Understandable that the three cities in one, plus the headquarters of the World Church, confuse these peoples separated from the rest of Europe—and to a lesser degree from Africa and the East—by the soaring Alps and by large bodies of over-fished and in many places polluted waters of the Mediterranean, the Ionian and the Adriatic seas. Perhaps the undoing (for pessimists) or the salvation (for optimists) of the Italic peoples was the great pre-historic geological shift that separated the peninsula from its original African home.

Although sometimes the three Romes are distinct and separate one from the other, the division lines of the Eternal City fade under layers of civilizations, division lines now submerged under the chaos of traffic and disorderly forgiveness-corruption-based urban development and inhabited by a people absorbed with new gods and deities, rites and rituals, juxtaposed on all the religions of Middle Eastern origin. The eternal of Città Eterna is its inherent chaos verging on lawlessness caused also by its Egyptian, Greek, Phoenician and Byzantine origins that make it so dissimilar from other European capitals. Or perhaps, as its ancients might have believed, it is its very Destiny to be different.


In La Dolce Vita (1960), Fellini made Rome the great uncredited actor. While the script follows Mastroianni, as a local celebrity columnist besotted with the nordic goddess that has invaded his city (Anita Ekberg practically playing herself), the movie also presents a mosaic of high society and cultural cynicism and the clash of Italic and foreign sensibilities, the latter epitomised in the contempt for Romans shown by Ekberg’s American fiancé (Lex Barker), who in the director’s eyes incorporates the ruthless brutishness of the new barbarians, and the irresistible power of a self-centered young empire.

[dropcap]F[/dropcap]ederico Fellini quipped that neurosis was largely absent in cynical and skeptical but schizophrenically child-like Romans because of the general absence of adults. The Rome that the celebrated film director projected is truly a city of badly raised children spoiled by a society ostensibly run by women who secretly consider their husbands, lovers and brothers their children who behave as spoiled children do, storming around and foaming at the mouth, throwing heavy objects through windows and not infrequently killing their women in a rage just to vent their frustrations at their loss of authority over them.

A good friend in the city of Reggio Calabria is infected with a sense of timelessness and the pandemic loneliness of Italy’s deep South. A feeling of not even being part of the world, hanging between revolt and submission, as if he were on the verge of finding an answer to the conundrum that has plagued him for years: to revolt against everything and opt for the old Italian temptation of anarchy or to succumb to the contradictory thought that his life is all illusion, in which case what does it matter what he does? 

Such thinking reminds me of the words by a Viennese professor citing Nietzsche who had noted that philosophers never express their true opinions in their books because many such ideas are too complex for words. The professor posed the question whether such books are not written in order to conceal that which resides inside us. That the true truth lies concealed in multilayered shrouds of ambiguity. Like Nietzsche who believed that every philosophy conceals another philosophy, every opinion is just a hiding place for other opinions and every word a mask covering other words. I had the thought that those are both difficult and maybe evil thoughts. Walter Benjamin wrote: We do not always proclaim loudly the most important thing we have to say. Nor do we always privately share it with those closest to us….

Things in the Mezzogiorno, the South, are so bad that you cannot find the words to describe the problems, despite the many words hurtling intractably through the indifference of the southern air. My friend conceals a constant turmoil of emotions so that he wonders just what the fuck is he doing with his life. The answer, he must have concluded, and his place in it, will forever lie outside our grasp. Everyone needs a life plan. For my friend happiness and love exists behind the closed doors and blinds along the streets of these towns outside the orbit of Reggio. Places where whole families are concealed. Where women love their men despite all, and men love their families. But he is as involved in his milieu as a lifer in a penitentiary in his, and in his every waking moment he realizes he has lost sight of a destination. There is no security exit for him.

My friend in the deep South seems to ignore the present crushing him. His very life—his past too—seems to languish. His present hold no promises of future reward. It saddens me that I cannot know his reality. His past too is invisible. He must yearn for a return to what once was, a ‘make-Reggio-great-again’ kind of thing, which he knows was not anything special in recent centuries. His nostalgia for that past should have died when his present began. But it seems to hang on. From his dejected air I conclude that his fear that not even his former better life, now cornered in the darkest recesses of his memory like a feared disease, will ever return. That process has sharpened his repressed anger at his native land. Uncertainty and threat have become his new present while his recent past fades out of his memories. I observe the streets of the old town. In rare places where the sun has found its way to the cobblestones, sagging bougainvillea around a ground floor window struggles for survival. Vases holding dried plants are cracked and faded. The atmosphere is that of a dying city. People have given up trying to save it from the corruption and organized crime and dark political powers no one understands.

At a penthouse party on Via Borgognona  I once  met a beautiful fashion stylist. Like for example, foods products, ocean liners and railway rolling stock, e.g for the Washington, DC, Atlanta, Los Angeles et al, subways, fashion is one of Italy’s booming exports: to all of the West, Russia (despite US imposed embargoes), China and Japan. Yet I was disappointed that the sexy lady only thought in terms of draping in fashion her beautiful body and the would-be beautiful people of the world. This ambitious femme fatale lectured me—a fashion innocent—about fashion-conscious Italians whom she defined as fashion “victims” and for whom she used a new word: fashionistas. Now I admit my awareness of the Italian’s susceptibility to changing clothing fashions but I am—please pardon the aside—I am linguistically offended that those same fashion conscious people ignore the travesty against their beautiful but degenerating language under the assault of countless foreign usages incomprehensible to at least ninety per cent of the people. Then I committed a gross error: I slipped into ideology and pointed out that each new word relates chiefly to one class or another in Rome’s class society divided since Augustus: youth, working classes, intellectuals, entrepreneurs, bankers and financiers, political elite, urban people, periphery people, country folk and above all the media each have their own language introducing linguistic changes relating to the social changes underway in this land. Blue collar workers understand little or ignore intellectual talk-show prattle while the masses have no idea of the meaning of the many economic terms rendered in English, like quantitative easing or spread or buy-back. On the other hand, only political activists can grasp the gist of the very Italian words of bicameralismo paritario, (that is, two houses of parliament wastefully executing exactly the same functions), which, though everyone opposes, politicians cannot agree to abolish. Such linguistic changes may be invisible to the untrained eye but every Italian is more conscious of them than one might expect in a class society. In fact all classes—except the blue collar workers—are in a mildly competitive sort of alliance, an alliance which comes into play in extreme situations and where, just as in Scandinavia, personal failures—especially economic or emotional failures—are not infrequently resolved by murder and suicide. Uninterested in my ideological thought, in her counterattack she instructed me that in the Italian fashion conscious society an elite class woman establishes a style of dress which is quickly copied by the bourgeoisie but much more slowly by the working classes of the Rome suburbs who Saturdays frequent the five hundred meters of cheap boutiques along Via del Corso selling poor imitations to buyers destined to never quite catch up with the fashions created by the host of Rome’s world famous stylists like this cold beauty who creates clothes for the wealthy, so that the less affluent classes are always two or three years behind new styles. I dared note that average people laugh at the new fashions displayed on balmy summer nights in televised shows on the picturesque Spanish Steps where Rome’s stylists show their new fashions each year. And moreover they have never heard the expression, fashionista . Besides, where and when would anyone wear anything like that, they say. She rebutted that a couple of years later, they wear it themselves and think they are up-to-date chic.

Italian school children know the legend of the meeting by a river of Julius Caesar with an ancient divinity: As he stood in doubt, a sign was given him: all of a sudden there appeared hard by a being of wondrous stature and beauty, who sat and played upon a reed. When not only shepherds flocked to hear him but many soldiers left their posts including some of the trumpeters, the apparition snatched a trumpet from one of them, rushed to the river, and sounding a war-note with a mighty blast, strode to the opposite bank.

Upon which Julius Caesar cried: “Take we the course which the signs of the gods and the false dealing of our foes point out. The die is cast.”

The river was the Rubicon.

Those words spoken on the river bank have echoed  down through the centuries, convincing most of us that the story, though perhaps only myth, is one of those happenings that had to occur, words that have been repeated down through the ages to make us believe that everything has been said and that there is nothing new under the sun.

For that reason mythology is not only disorienting, but also dangerous. Today we hear realism and materialism. Yet you are not obliged to accept that only what exists is the end. If everything that can happen has happened also to you, then you must be naked and alone in total and final seclusion in which the misery is just too great to bear and you see the end approaching,

In the end, also Augustus’ hoped-for moral renewal turned out to be mythical—as have all such renewals: bursts of humanism, crusades, causes, movements, rebirths, socio-moral reassessments, Liberalism—and the Emperor’s Rome remained a great erotic playground whose bed-chambers nightly hosted counter-myths to that of the pious Trojan hero-warrior, Aeneas, who after an affair with Queen Dido in Carthage, came to Italy and founded a movement based on devotion to duty and reverence for the gods. We moderns recognize that such Aeneas-like counter-myths continue today as reflected in cinema and literature in which Dido-like temptresses are still enjoyably ravished by amorous but complex heroes who, rather than sailing away to found cities, are held in thrall by their queens. In any case, in his forty-one years, though Augustus failed to purify Rome he planted the seed of a monotheistic spirit subsequently disseminated throughout the Western Empire which became known after its founder as Christianity.

It is not commonly known that today many Italian Communists are formally believers. A non-Leninist, non-Marxist paradox. By an historical coincidence the isolated Italian Communists rediscovered the Catholic Church at the same time other Italians abandoned it. In general, the majority of Italians today who are not agnostic are simply technical Catholics—they are baptized at birth, and go to church only for communions and funerals. The Church and the Catholic faith merely mark the beginning and the end of life; all the in-between is life itself.

Other leftists think that the Pope, his infallibility and his dogmas, the rites, myths, saints, all those millennial customs and bureaucratic structures are a lot of nonsense and that Catholicism is the queerest sect of our times. Yet non-believing Italians respect the institution since it is so quintessentially Italian—so Augustean in which every man is free to believe what he likes and to strive for virtue instead of  wickedness. For others the only interesting parts of religion concern the idea of the monotheistic God whom Christians share with Islam and Judaism.

So, as young Italians scramble to flee the country, I feel the deep chasm between the old who prefer anarchy and a young breed who consider their country a rotting and sinking ship to be abandoned hastily. Vite, vite, la vraie vie est ailleurs.

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About the author

gaither-new GAITHER photo
Our Senior Editor based in Rome, serves—inter alia—as our European correspondent. A veteran journalist and essayist on a broad palette of topics from culture to history and politics, he is also the author of the Europe Trilogy, celebrated spy thrillers whose latest volume, Time of Exile, was recently published by Punto Press.



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“Gladio has survived  in the darkness of the secret world. Much of the world is still hostage to its strategy of tension …  a ring of fear to justify state wars, state terrorism and military interventions and suppression of its own peoples…people never get it.”




Between Scylla And Charybdis

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17     “Between Scylla And Charybdis”



(Reggio, August, 2001)

Circling over the Straits of Messina Airport in Reggio-Calabria, I feel my vision encompasses the entire world of antiquity. Any atlas in fact confirms the geographical unity of the world on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. Entering the Mediterranean world from the West through the narrow Straits of Gibraltar is to step back in time. Though I’ve come to love especially the arch of the northern coastline reaching from Gibraltar to Naples—the Latin Mediterranean—I feel the whole sea is my sea, lined by an extraordinary diversity of ancient peoples and cultures, from Spain and Morocco to Tunisia and Italy, to Greece, Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, interlinked by a common heritage and erratic histories. The Great Sea today remains one of the important maritime routes in the world, comprising three continents and three monotheistic religions.

Though disputed among its peoples, its climate and magic have attracted to its shores countless non-Mediterranean peoples—both conquerors and colonizers in search of a new way of life. For my receptive eyes indeed a soothing vision, albeit, I recognize, also an historical optical illusion. Though against the backdrop of puritanical skies the ancient world appears in memory as a world far superior to what I see under the sinking plane’s wobbling wings, I fear my conclusion is wishful thinking, and that old times were not at all good times. Yet since the scope of my vision makes me tiny in the immensity, I want to bow in reverence to the ubiquitous dark blue-green seas omnipresent in the minds of each member of the human landscape taking form below … reminding me of our song’s words, my blue-green colors flashing.

Not only the Bel Paese—as Italians call this beautiful peninsula jutting out into the sea toward nearby Tunisia—attracted me to these ancient lands. I hoped to grasp the whole Great Sea around which Western civilization developed; I set for myself the goal of knowing all the lands surrounding it. I felt the same allure felt by the succession of peoples and civilizations that have fought to control these lands. Many seemed to succeed but in reality they themselves were absorbed by the lands they conquered, so that the question remains: Who conquered whom? History shows that the Mediterranean world absorbs new peoples and cultures more quickly than does Teutonic north Europe. In my experience I have found that persons who grow up in Rome consider it their home for the rest of their lives.

From above, Reggio appears only a stone’s throw distance from Messina across the three-kilometer wide straits separating the Continent from Sicily. As the plane banks, my view reaches from the Aspromonte mountains—just that name provokes in me a certain panic—to the toe of the peninsula now fading away at my back. My eyes wander from the lonely Eolian islands north of the Sicilian mainland to Mount Etna in southern Sicily, slashes of red lava dribbling down its flanks. I am at the geographical center of the Mare Nostrum of the Romans, descending toward a city I try to imagine as it once was: the Greek Rhèghion, one of the biggest cities of Greek colonists. Founded in the eighth century b.c. the Greek city is one of Europe’s oldest cities. Mind-boggling that Reggio-Rhèghion was already old at the beginning of the second millennium, mysterious, dark and somber, alive and unchanging, unlike today’s Reggio, dangerous and lacking in hope. Reggio is a letdown in comparison to Rhèghion and its port welcoming biremes and triremes and long-range Pentercosters carrying merchandise and immigrants sailing from Greece across the Ionian Sea to Magna Graecia and the great city where Greek colonists disembarked in the America of their era. Today’s Reggio is indelibly marked by nostalgia for its lost magnificence and by the sadness lingering in its collective memory, a city that harbors dark secrets, on the one hand a part of modern Italy, but on the other constituting a parallel world hidden away even from most of its bewildered inhabitants who continue imagining they are living normal lives in the most abnormal of worlds. Though still spilling along the sea, contemporary Reggio is the center of a metropolitan area of one million people governed by organized crime, corrupt administrators and burgeoning fascism … its festering rottenness visible to the naked eye.


[dropcap]I [/dropcap]rent a car at the airport and drive downtown. My contact in Reggio is the owner-manager of a local alternative TV news station. Gino Rocca is an investigative reporter and critic of the operations of both the organized crime of the ‘ndrangheta and a budding neo-fascist movement, which together control the region’s police and Carabinieri forces.

Contrary to expectations there is little traffic on the roads of the periphery; even less in town. Open-bed trucks of sand and rocks, here and there dusty old buses, older model cars, a disproportionate number of big new cars, chiefly black SUVs, and polished black or blue Mercedes and Audis, the autos preferred by Mafiosi.

In a narrow side street I find his tiny studio—airless, crowded with cameras, microphones, laptops, and dusty stacks of newspapers including mine. His two female assistants chat me up and offer coffee.

Gino Rocca is tall and skinny, with a curled mustache and long dirty blond hair. He speaks in the agitated way of a person for whom everything is of maximum importance and which he tries to say all at once while his hands constantly fidget with something. His friend at my newspaper told me he was both a genius and totally uncunning.

“You ask where our police stand today,” he begins at once. “The standing order is shoot first and ask questions later. Fascists shoot Mafiosi busily shooting each other for control … both shoot nosey outsiders.”

“Who gives such orders?”

“Orders are unnecessary. That’s the way our society is. You know, at times I think that the potential lack of blood and death makes us despair. As if we weren’t really alive without shooting and destruction … and the smell of blood.”

“Yet you survive.”

“Oh yes, we survive … as we have for thousands of years. Yes, we survive. The Premier himself—like all the premiers before him—promised order and security in the Mezzogiorno. Now, the Fascists in the city and a secret army in the mountains are vying for the right to execute his orders … and to kill him too. Create order! And killing enemies to do it. Killing refugees and killing Italy. Tonight I’ll take you out. There’s no moon. No hard winds, the sea calm. Though clandestine immigrants land here in lesser numbers than in Sicily, the beaches will be swarming with speedboats and police tonight. You’ll see. Our gallant forces will line the coastline to protect the homeland from the invader.”

“And the secret army?” Again that word sends chill bumps down my spine. Well, as I said, each man to his own fears. Oh, fuck!

“You’ll see them too,” Gino adds enigmatically.

At midnight we drive to a village along the coast east of the city. He parks off the road, facing an open beach. A man sits in silence in the back seat, an Arabic-speaking interpreter. The radio is tuned to Gino’s private frequency. A clear but moonless night, the coastline is lit up like a circus—spotlights from hovering helicopters sweeping back and forth over the area and headlights of stationary jeeps and trucks pointed toward the sea. Armed police troops in pairs patrol the beaches. Sparks from beach fires here and there dance in the breeze blowing in from the seas. Launches speed across the waters a few hundred meters from the shore in the direction of Messina across the strait. Not even a mafia launch could penetrate the cordon sanitaire. Certainly no refugee could swim onto that point on the coast. A TV cameraman nearby is filming the whole scene which Gino says is staged for the TV reporters. Gino doesn’t touch his camera.

Near us, five persons are sitting immobile and mute in an unmarked Suv, their blackened faces nearly invisible in the night. The vehicle is black, the license plate illegible. When I photograph it some of the black faces turn toward my flash.

“Who are those guys?” I ask in a loud voice, hoping they hear me.

“The secret army,” Gino answers softly. “I’ve seen them on the beaches the last two weeks. A private para-military police. I’ll show you where they train another time.”

“What’s going on here? Who do they think they are? Gladio?”

Gino looks at me and grins. He is fiddling with the radio, uninterested in the scene we are witnessing. His radio sputters. He turns up the volume. A woman’s voice crackles: “Gino, you were right. They’re farther east, near Stracia. A few of those soldiers too. Hurry!”

“The show here is for foreigners, visiting journalists and the Premier’s TV. To reassure Europe that we’re cutting the flow of the refugee hordes arriving from the lands to the south and east. To show the alertness of our security forces against the nocturnal invasions of dangerous aspirant immigrants … most of whom, they say, are criminals, maybe armed, and infested by terrorists in their ranks. I wanted you to see it. The real action is elsewhere.”

He does the some twenty kilometers to Stracia on a narrow winding road in eighteen minutes, talking all the time. “The Mediterranean is a graveyard. A slaughterhouse of dark-skinned people. Divers say you see on the sea bottom here everything from the remains of hands and feet, legs and heads to ancient Greek statues, vases and pots mixed among car parts, gas stoves, even couches and stuffed chairs. Everything. From the moment they leave North Africa or Albania, our military radar monitors every boat of the traffickers in human beings. If the traffickers don’t throw the refugees overboard first, someone blasts away at them. Half of them never make it to land. Recovered bodies just get a number and the name ‘Unknown’. There’s a police section down here that deals in body parts that are filed away according to type.”

We stop on a sandy stretch of seashore. Two army jeeps are parked near the lapping smelly water. Farther back from the waterline, apart from the rest, two black Suvs. The bay itself seems innocent in the clear night but Gino says it’s “as polluted as a sewage dump”. At the waterline soldiers stand in a circle near a group of some thirty people. Many children. All poorly dressed and wringing wet. Many crying as if aware of the danger of this haven in the night. Like the soldiers, they seem to be waiting for something to happen or for someone to save them. Some of the soldiers are gentle and tactful, as if the tears of the others called forth unexpected instincts of tenderness in the warlike nature of white men when freed from the constraints of civility.

Gino speaks to the soldiers and points at me. One of them nods.

I spot a woman dressed in black with three small children pressed close to her. The children are crying. Gino unfolds a blanket and offers it to the woman who wraps it around the two smallest children. The tiny interpreter asks her to tell us about her trip. She nods and leads the children a few steps away from the others.

“Why is everyone crying?” I ask, and turn on my tape recorder. Gino aims his camera at us.

“The boat traveling with our friends … they sank it,” she tells the interpreter.

“Where? Why”

“Far out in the water. They’re all dead. They want to kill us all.”

“Sank?” I ask. “How?”

“They shot it,” the interpreter translated her words into Italian. “A big explosion. Everybody fell into the water. It was dark.”

“So how did you and the children get here?”

“Men in uniforms brought us on a ship. They think we will all die.”

“Why is that?” I ask, looking around the beach area. Some soldiers give them food and water. No wonder the armed men don’t relish their work: the atmosphere is macabre … the search lights and the noise of running motors creating a calamitous reverberation as in the silence following the explosion of a bomb. Italians are not yet real racists like you see in America even though they regard these foreigners as aliens from another planet.

The woman looks at the interpreter as if afraid to answer. “Because they don’t know what to do with us.”

I look at Gino. He is filming everything. “This is going out live,” he whispers. We both know the woman and children will be sent back to where they came from.

She is from Chad. Her husband had left two years earlier. He is in Germany and sent her money. She paid five thousand marks for transportation from Chad to Libya to Germany. In Chad they had nothing. No possessions, no house, no schools, no medicines, no life. Her little girl has had a bad cough for over a year. They lived in a hut and existed on food from relatives.

 

Two weeks later I take the Rome-Reggio night train to meet Gino again … this time to visit the mysterious Aspromonte Mountains, the domain of criminals on the run and killers for hire. I have no idea what the upshot of the affair is to be but I sense that a major event is developing on the mountainous tip of the peninsula. It’s a hunch based on what I know of Gino and his TV station and the flow of refugees through the gateway from hell to opulent Europe. But above all because of something alarming concealed in those sinister mountains.

The trip down the darkened peninsula fulfills my expectations. Nothing exceptional happened until a sudden halt at a small station in the dark countryside south of Salerno. The train squeaks to a halt. The engine falls silent. Interior lights blink off, then return on dim. Passengers descend from my car and look around at the surroundings. A surprising number of people are waiting in groups or walking up and down a narrow platform, waiting for who knows what train headed for mysterious destinations. In the yellow-tinted darkness a kind of intimacy is born among the deboarded passengers.

In principle I love the night. Yet I’m wary of it too. The night is the time when unpredictable things happen. The night is the time when you might realize that one of the big moments of your life is about to happen and you know that afterwards nothing will ever be the same in your life again.

Gradually the people strung out along the platform in semi-darkness become aware of the reason for our nocturnal halt. After a steadily mounting dull beat from the distance, the roar and the reflections from the lights of the Palermo express flicker off whitewashed station walls in rhythm with the clicking over rail links of each passing car. Despite the only apparent speed and the pounding of steel wheels against iron rails, the silhouettes of marionette-like bobbing heads high up inside the illuminated cars flashing past above us seem to seek contact with our insignificant figures below, our faces, I imagine, whitened and motionless, lost in the night alongside the tracks of the small town station. The station master stops in mid-step, his torso twisted toward the thunder roaring past his station. A circle of tall, sun-tanned Boy Scout-looking types dressed in white shirts with red kerchiefs around their necks and bulging knapsacks strapped on their backs stand immobile at one end of the station building, their youthful heads lifted toward the sparkling white and yellow lights. In the glass-encased office facing the tracks, the slow motion activity near illuminated control boards is submerged by the beast running over and through the small room itself. I look toward the darkness of an outlying shed and note just behind it the same weak interior lights of a local train, stationary on a side track. From the station side the faint light from the traffic office, the dim lights of our waiting train silent as if in awe of the powerful Palermo express, and here and there a flashlight casts otherworldly attempts of light on the scene, visible only for the fraction of a second between each car speeding past. Time too flicks past, marked by the clickedy-clack, clickedy-clack from the express track. My head nods in harmony and my eyes shift from left to right, left-right, left-right, until motion seems to become circular and the station itself spins on a vertical axis of shadows and the steel-on-iron rhythm.

In that moment of mental and physical disequilibrium I note again the tall man who has been striding up and down the platform now seemingly approaching me, his head however turned toward the tracks and his hand outstretched as if seeking balance. He is leaning slightly backwards and his feet move forward ahead of his body, each foot sweeping from side to side feeling for the edge of the platform. His face framed in long silky hair is chalky, the way all of us on the platform must appear to the express passengers observing us aliens in the night. For some reason I imagine him as Isabel’s husband whom I have seen only once, in a similar momentary shaft of light on a snowy Munich night on Giselastrasse. Was he too blind to what was happening? The echo of the roar has not yet faded away when the lights brighten inside our high elegant cars with Roma-Reggio Calabria inscribed on plaques near the doors and the sound of its engines returns and the conductor calls out into the night: “All aboard!”

I climb the steep steps.

When I step through the sliding doors into the now gaudily bright first-class compartment, the country station and the Palermo express and the ghostly figure on the platform of Isabel’s imaginary husband cease to exist. Maybe he never did. Yet I know that even the most insignificant of us leaves behind an emptiness that is something. Perhaps an omen.

 

A few seconds after I step out of Reggio’s main station, Gino Rocca’s familiar tan Ford Fiesta pulls up in front of me, the Fiesta’s passenger door crackles, and his lanky figure climbs out.

Having promised me something “surprising, stunning and sinister”, Gino asks right off: “What about a ride to the mountains? Or are you too tired.”

“That’s why I’m here. But aren’t you afraid to be seen with me? You’re in hot water yourself.”

He grins and shrugs, his nerves probably on edge as always.

“You don’t look so good,” I say.

“Just nerves. These are dangerous times in good old Rhéghion.”

“You don’t have to do this.”

“You didn’t see much on your last visit. A miracle you got away in one piece.”

“I thought about that too … but here I am again.”

“You shouldn’t be here. They love cracking the heads of curious journalists … from elsewhere. They’re used to me.”

“Stinking cowards, eh?”

“The kind who kill in the dark or who shoot down kids on the street.”

“But why all this violence, Gino?”

“They’re different from other people.”

We head north toward the Aspromonte. I note more of the black Suvs both downtown near the station and in the suburbs. Soon we’re passing through the periphery, through degraded suburbs that once must have been attractive villages facing the sea where affluent people of Reggio had beach houses. Gino speaks of peasant farmers forced to leave their homes by the creeping modernistic economic tentacles of old Rhéghion. He points out half-finished buildings that look as if they’d been that way for decades, flanked by vacant lots and more or less finished structures, flaking, crumbling and rotting away, maintenance being an attribute absent in the Mezzogiorno. A desiccated and dying past decorated vulgarly by huge political posters. A past dying from negligence and displacement of peoples and objects infected by despondent changelessness. People hanging on in the former villages, people acquiescent to suffering, according to some politicians in Rome deserving of it because they are poor and lazy, three generations of families living with their impotent hatreds and dulling ignorance in precarious two-story structures and surviving on occasional useless jobs in the city to which they travel early mornings on rickety buses. Otherwise, I imagine, they sit around in garlic-infested rooms drinking sweet homemade wine and talking with thin old men and elephantine women about the good old times, while dogs run in and out and the walls of a former life crumble around them. Places from whose kitchens families overflow into adjoining houses and everyone mingles with the misery of everyone else in the delirium of a world in which misery is the common denominator. Rich people used to live here. Now it looks like I imagine the edge of hell. The center of the sprawling abandon surrounding the city where rebellion should be brewing lies in silence.

“What about the big cars, Gino?” I ask pointing to a dark blue Audi parked in front of a rundown two-story house. “I’ve counted three new Mercedes in the last kilometers and that’s the second Audi.”

“Not only the ‘ndrangheta likes such cars but also new people arriving from Sicily. Representatives of American humanitarian organizations—NGOs of course—here to aid refugees, they say. I’ve investigated a bit. Found no evidence of actual help. There’s also a new group that calls themselves Blue Helmets. Sometimes they really wear one. Not often though. Another Non-government Organization! All foreigners.” He glances at me and shrugs: “Go figure.”


Gino points east and says: “That road doesn’t lead anywhere. It ends down there around a curve among abandoned factories at a half-finished bridge. After that you see only walled fields of wild weeds bordering the sea … the symbol of the Mezzogiorno of Italy.” Then, abruptly, a few fields and gardens to the east are brilliantly golden in the rising southern sun, as if showing their best to me the visiting journalist. Even though the sea is close, this narrow part of the peninsula seems unlimited. The occasional touch of the wild is inevitably marred by improvised, semi-clandestine dumps. As Gino slows to a near stop I try to identify the objects filling an unmarked danger zone filled with rusted and gutted car bodies, wheelless motorcycles, crooked pipes now turned green, unidentifiable sheets of bent and moss-crusted metal from who knows what abandoned factory, former stereo sets, parts of bedsteads and yellowish mattresses, No Parking signs, cracked concrete blocks, two-thirds of what look like a former playhouse of a rich little girl, a headless doll stuck in a window opening, three cement encrusted shoes of indistinguishable sizes mounted in a row on a shoe carrier, stacks of coiled wires, two piles of tires turning brown, and all sorts of unidentifiable trash, the whole mess surrounded by sacks of rotting garbage. The dump is a repetition of the depths of the azure seas surrounding Reggio.

Gino stares at the alternating scenery and the passing fields he must have seen so many times that he hardly registers its reality. And he talks: “Unemployment is worse each day. Industries big and little shut down, bankrupt. Or they move abroad. The few open schools exist because city administrators have forgotten them. The former capillary health system is in chaos. The ‘ndrangheta controls the economy. Poverty is spreading and youth escaping to north Italy or abroad.” His words reflect the disaster so visible around us. Everything except the occasional surviving bit of wild confirms that the situation is even worse than his descriptions. The truth of the South lies much deeper.

“Why is the South so much poorer than the North, Gino?”

“Traditions. Organized crime. Mafia. Corruption. A way of life. And Gael, that is the story the new Radio Calabria Libera is broadcasting twenty-four hours a day to the region.”

“What’s that, Gino? Never heard of it.”

“It’s new. American, I hear. Another NGO. They’re springing up like mushrooms. You know what we call them here? The Ngo-isti. Calabrian-American Friendship Society or CAFS, American Friends of Calabria, White Scarfs For Progress, Blue Helmets, American Society For Defense of Human Rights, Society for Resistance. The most visible appears to be the International Committee For Liberation From Communism or ICLC. Do-gooders of all sorts. The message of all is the same: Down with Rome corruption! Down with Communistic Rome! A new Calabria for a new Italy! Resist! Resist! Make Reggio great again! A free Calabria!”

“Oh yes, certainly American … or their proxies. Expel them all!”

“But the people love them.”

“As always. Everywhere.”

I observe Gino Rocca’s silhouette, an agitated and rarely silent driver. I think he feels a sense of timelessness and the same pandemic loneliness of the deep South. A feeling of not even being part of the world. I begin to form an image of a frustrated Gino, hanging between revolt and submission. A face concealed behind the mask of furious action and his talking head, his mask which, I suspect, is the twin of his true face underneath. As if he were on the verge of finding an answer to the conundrum that has plagued him for years: to revolt against everything and opt for the old Italian temptation of anarchy or to succumb to the contradictory thought that his life is all illusion, in which case what does it matter what he does? Gino’s words remind me of another Munich summer lecture course by a visiting professor from Vienna. According to the scholar, Nietzsche had noted that philosophers never express their true opinions in their books because many such ideas are too complex for words. The summer professor posed the question whether such books are not written in order to conceal that which resides inside us? Maybe the true truth lies concealed in multilayered shrouds of ambiguity. Like Nietzsche who believed that every philosophy conceals another philosophy, every opinion is just a hiding place for other opinions and every word a mask covering other words. I’ve thought that those are difficult, maybe evil thoughts. (Walter Benjamin: We do not always proclaim loudly the most important thing we have to say. Nor do we always privately share it with those closest to us, our intimate friends, those who have been most devotedly ready to receive our confession.”)

Gino Rocca and his existential conundrum calls such reasoning to mind. Things here are so bad that Gino can’t find the words to describe the problems, despite his many words hurtling intractably through his rickety car and out into the indifference of the southern air. During a sudden silence I realize that he conceals a constant turmoil of emotions, that in this moment he is wondering just what the fuck is he doing with his life. What are we doing here anyway? Who am I in all this? The answer, he must have concluded, the meaning of the world and his place in it, will forever lie outside our grasp. The journalist that is me, he must imagine, knows what he’s doing down here. Everyone else seems rooted in something somewhere or in a home, a job, a family, a purposeful life. Everyone has a life plan. For Gino, happiness and love must seem to exist behind the closed doors and blinds along the streets of these towns outside the orbit of Reggio. Where whole families are concealed. Where women love their men despite all, and men love their families. More than anything Gino perhaps would like to be somewhere else with his family, any other place at all, but he is aware that he is as involved in his milieu as a lifer in a penitentiary in his, and in his every waking moment he realizes he has lost sight of a destination. I suspect he knows there is no security exit for him.

“You’re suddenly pensive,” I say. “What’s on your mind?”

“Sometimes I wonder how the fuck we’re to stop what’s going on up there in the mountains,” he says, pointing to the east. “I just hope our presence will be useful.”

Gino glances at me and then continues to stare intently at the rising hills. This, I think, is a good man. And he is alone. He is sick, too. His solitude is his illness. He must wonder if deep down everyone feels the same implacable solitude. If I too feel it. But I don’t believe he considers solitude as punishment. Sometimes solitude is peaceful. Gino has only his TV, his dedication … and his solitude which I think he coddles like a hypochondriac cuddles his manias. His solace might be a conviction that someday the whole world will become the same and that nobody will belong any place. Some days he must relish his solitude, court it, as if it were his true self. As if solitude were a virtue in a world in which organized society spoils things and makes people unclean. On the other hand, maybe he believes he is destined to wander in the world, forever a stranger. Since I tend to be like that too, I understand him. I know he hears solitude’s melody. For chronic solitude can become a companion.

Gino thinks aloud: “I’m certainly not convinced of our usefulness. But I would like to believe that my work is a mission and that the mission is accomplishable. But what choice do I have?” he adds, looking at me with a dreamy look in his dark eyes as if thinking of faraway places. In that moment I see that Gino Rocca conceals his reflective nature behind his mask of hyper activity, a mask underneath which powerful transformations are taking place. Though he tries to maintain a modicum of calm, it must be difficult for him to contain his desperation. That effort must confuse him because at the same time he must be conscious of an emotion of tenderness he’d surely once known which restricts and controls his anger. I wonder if he has come to think that such an emotion must eventually come down to pity and which fuels his solitude in the world. Genuine pity is a painful feeling for most people. Perhaps the capability of feeling pity distinguishes people one from the other. I sometimes see it in their eyes … its presence, or its absence. It’s the specific nature of the lonely look of solitude that I note. Like that of Oreste that day at Vanya’s. Each solitude is different. Like fingerprints … or DNA. Gino’s solitude must be his awareness of injustice that has made him so dedicatedly one-tracked. And homeless. Gino must have long thought that everybody has to have his own place in the world.

 

When Gino takes the Scilla exit toward the Aspromonte rising darkly to the east, an age-old Italian idiom comes to my mind. In Greek mythology, Scylla—Scilla in Italian—was a monster that lived and controlled one side of the narrow strait between the mainland of the peninsula and Sicily, just opposite its enemy, aggressive Charybdis, or Cariddi today, that controlled the other shore. The two sides were within arrow’s range of each other, so close that mariners trying to avoid Charybdis passed too close to Scylla … and vice versa. The Italian idiom “between Scilla and Cariddi”, still used today especially in the political world, has come to mean finding oneself blocked between two mortal dangers, the choice of either of which brings harm and destruction.

“What you’re about to hear is probably the most secret and explosive piece of information in these parts,” Gino begins, as he turns into the mountains.

For a while we drive in a weighty silence that intensifies as the narrow road begins to climb and a more genuine wildness materializes around us. I feel like a trespasser. My stomach muscles inexplicably contract when I see a sign for the Montalto area indicating that it is two thousand meters altitude above the seas.

Gino leans forward studying the terrain and suddenly turns from the road into a space hardly wider than a trail, winding among rocks, shrubs and then, abruptly, a wall of tall trees stops us. Scilla is far behind. Cariddi is another world. At a snail’s pace we enter a circular clearing from which several paths branch off in various directions into thick woods. Two black vans and three military-looking trucks covered with canvas are parked there haphazardly in the dirt and dried mud.

“What’s this place?” I ask.

“Welcome to the home of the Esercito di Difesa della Patria,” Gino says sardonically. “This is where the secret army, the new Gladio, is trained.”

“So the EDP really exists!”

“And I thought it was top secret,” he says in surprise. “Just goes to show you.”

“What do they learn here?”

“Soldier business. How to kill. Urban warfare. Explosives. You name it.”

“You know the history of Gladio, I suppose.

“Yes, I know about Gladio,” he says smugly, as if aware that he had the story of his life in his grasp. “The secret army organized by American Intelligence and NATO a half century ago to crush the European Communist parties … especially in Italy. But ostensibly a parallel army to fight the supposed threat of Soviet invaders of West Europe. But also to carry out terrorist acts against the Italian state … providing the pretext for tightened control over the country. Prime Mister Andreotti himself revealed the Gladio story in a speech before Parliament in 1990. But Gladio never died. Much of the world is still hostage to its strategy of tension … a ring of fear to justify state wars, state terrorism and military interventions.”

“I was at the G8 in Genoa,” I say. “They were there too.”

Gino looks at me, the surprise vivid in his eyes that I know what he’s talking about. We are both thinking the same thoughts: tension strategy thrives all over the world for manipulating and controlling public opinion: fear, propaganda, disinformation, psychological warfare, agents provocateurs … and false flag terrorist actions; that’s what super secret Gladio was up to in Italy; organizing terrorist acts and blaming them on Communists; spreading fear and then passing laws restricting the freedoms of the people. People fell for the propaganda of the threat of a Soviet invasion: the scary image of Russian Cossacks watering their horses in Vatican fountains.

Gino: “Gladio’s job was to eradicate leftism.”

“Gladio also trained its troops in the mountains,” I recall. “In the Abruzzo near Rome and in Sardinia—in places like this. Terrorist bombings followed. And leftwing terrorists—also manipulated by the CIA/NATO/U.S.A.—were blamed.”

Crazy how people never get it. The people are afraid. Their fear grows, more special laws are passed and thousands of leftists are imprisoned. Keep the populace afraid so that promises of security will be believed. Fear is the point. You create it with lies. That’s why the state suppresses dissent, for truth is the enemy of every authoritarian state. The state media defined Communists as the enemy. Anything is justified to crush them. Communism and terrorists and Islamic fundamentalists … and immigrants too. Gino knows all this.

“I still find it incredible that people in Italy, in Europe … in the whole western world … don’t know or maybe don’t want to know about Gladio.

“Right!” Gino says. “People don’t try to understand why terrorism. Or who the real terrorists are. Now that secret army is like reborn right here in Rhèghia’s mountains,” Gino repeats, staring out the window in such a dejected way that I don’t mention Parliamentary investigations of Gladio and the 300-page report on Gladio operations in Italy and its connections with the United States. People are ignorant of the detailed report that explains Gladio and blames the U.S.A. It shows that the massacres, bombings and para-military actions were organized or supported by shadowy men within Italian state institutions, by men linked to American Intelligence.

“A bomb inside the Banca Nazionale dell’ Agricoltura on Milan’s Piazza Fontana in 1969 marked the beginning of the strategy of tension,” Gino adds. “The Piazza Fontana massacre. Sixteen dead, fifty-eight injured. The bombing took place at the height of the biggest strike wave that Italy had seen since the end of WWII. Automobile and sheet metal workers were aggressive and militant. The bombing stopped the strike wave dead in its tracks. Then the police ran wild, hauling suspected leftist sympathizers in for questioning and intimidating their families, while the government passed emergency laws against suspected terrorists. This method of social control came to be called ‘the strategy of tension’, tension being a key factor in psychological conditioning. Police and the media blamed the Piazza Fontana bombing on a pathetic group of anarchists, the Bakunin Club, which had been penetrated by the Italian intelligence service. The railroad worker Giuseppe Pinelli and the male dancer Pietro Valpreda were accused. Pinelli was pushed to his death from a fourth-story window of police headquarters, while the mass media vilified Valpreda as a subhuman beast. More than twenty years after the fact, information emerged that the bombs of Piazza Fontana had been placed by GLADIO operating under the control of NATO intelligence, afraid the strike wave might lead to the entry of the Italian Communist Party into the government. Throughout the seventies and into the eighties the USA, NATO and Italian ruling circles were obsessed with keeping the Communists out of the Rome government.”

I tell Gino of an chance interview I had with the ex-chief of the CIA. After a lunch with my newspaper’s director in the Grand Hotel, William Colby—there for a conference—sat down next to me at the hotel bar. I recognized him from press photos. “We exchanged some bar talk about Italy before I revealed I knew who he was and asked him about Gladio … intended as a provocation. To my surprise he bragged that the covert action branch of the CIA after World War II built throughout Western Europe what in intelligence trade parlance were known as ‘stay-behind nets’. He said the Pentagon didn’t take a stand on the subject of the secret NATO stay-behind armies because it was not even questioned by the US press. The networks were clandestine, ready to be called into action as sabotage forces when the time came. ‘In 1951,’ Colby said, ‘the chief of the CIA in Western Europe sent me, then a young intelligence officer, to help build the stay-behind network. A secret army. All top secret back then. Our aim was to create an Italian nationalism capable of halting the slide to the left,’ he said as if speaking of ancient Greek history. When I remarked that they used right-wing terrorists to create it, Colby didn’t even blink. Gino, those people are really convinced of their exceptionalism.”

 

In that moment a big, powerful-looking man dressed in jungle green emerges from the woods and approaches us. A prickle of alarm careens down my spine and stops its race in mid-back where it remains for the long seconds before Gino says:

“This is Edoardo la Torre. You can trust him.”

“What do you want, Gino Rocca?” the man asks, leaning forward and peering at me and stroking his automatic weapon tenderly. “And who is this?” he adds nodding at me.

“You can trust him too, Edoardo,” Gino says gently. “Are you ready? Can we go back to town.”

Since Gino had not revealed the real purpose of our ascent of the Aspromonte, I had no inkling that the man standing near the driver’s side of the car with his weapon cradled in his arms would turn out to be one of the most complex, curious but conscientious persons I was ever to know, a soldier of fortune and member of the EDP, the Esercito della Difesa della Patria, the reborn Gladio. Without a word the huge figure of Edoardo climbs into the back seat.

 

The streets of bedraggled Reggio are still deserted. Gino parks on a cobblestone street near a piazza in the historic center. Chimes sound from nearby. Only a few lonely looking persons are visible on the piazza. From a side street echo faint sounds of music. A green grocer on a corner displays a few pale zucchini and a couple of purple eggplants. Silent women stand around the stalls. Stray poultry peck fruitlessly at the cobbles. Two dogs hanging around look lazily aggressive. The bigger one creeps toward me, probably smelling my fear. I walk closer to the Gino and Edoardo until the menacing canine gives up. Our footsteps reverberate off the thick stone walls that I suspect conceal a lifestyle different from anything I’m familiar with. What I imagine are the town’s usual colors have faded into a lifeless summery brown like the sands of Reggio’s filthy beaches lapped by polluted water.

Gino ignores the present crowding and crushing him. His very life—his past too—seems to languish in the still air. What kind of a past could a man like him have while his present couldn’t possibly hold any promises of future reward? It saddens me that I don’t know Gino’s reality. But how little we ever know about others. Like mine, his past is invisible. He must sometimes yearn for a return to what once was, a ‘make-Reggio-great-again’ kind of thing, which he must know was never anything special at all. His nostalgia for that past should have died when his present began but it seems to hang on. I can understand that. I see his dejected air and believe I understand that his fear that his former better life, now cornered in the darkest recesses of his memory like a feared disease, will never return. The process has sharpened his repressed anger at his native land. Uncertainty and threat have become his new present while his recent past fades out of his memories.

We slink through the narrow streets of the old town. Here and there in places where the sun has found its way to the cobblestones, sagging bougainvillea around a ground floor window struggles for survival. Vases holding dried plants are cracked and faded. The atmosphere is that of a dying city. People have given up trying to save it from the corruption and organized crime and dark political powers no one understands. We round a corner and stop in front of a small building that I think is a deconsecrated chapel. Hammering sounds are audible from within. A Mercedes 500 is parked on the sidewalk in front.

“Strange,” Gino says, pushing open the cracked door, “this place is usually barred.”

He enters, nervous and agitated. “I used to come here often, a social center then … until the city government cracked down on it, suspecting some political conspiracy … perhaps a cell of Reds. Local police know what this place is becoming—a political meeting hall … but have reported nothing.” Gino whispers that we are looking at a rehearsal of a theatrical group but that the NSP party officials up on the stage want to charge them for appropriation of public property and use it as a pretext to crack down on any kind of public meetings.

Edoardo snickers.

Gino and I stand in the rear and watch Edoardo move forward. On one side of the low stage stand a long plastic table and several chairs. A row of seats have been ripped from the wall and placed facing the front, behind which there are some ten rows of benches and chairs. When a flute sounds, a middle-aged woman wearing a dirty smock stands up on center stage and begins reciting. My eyes fix on electoral placards hanging across the back wall of the stage. Along the sidewalls of the make-shift theater, political streamers droop to the floor. Two tables near the door are loaded with stacks of brochures.

Edoardo steps up onto the stage. Gino and I follow a few steps behind. The workers wearing black overalls stop hammering and stare at him, huge in his jungle attire. The music stops. Someone leads the woman to the wings. Two men in jackets and ties holding notebooks and pencils turn toward us. A squad of three men dressed in the ritual black stand to one side, nudging each other and snickering.

“The shit is flowing like lava from Mount Etna,” Gino mutters.

“You mean from the Aspromonte,” I say, glancing meaningfully at Edoardo. “Gladio! Never thought to meet one of its soldiers down here.” Gino grins weakly. His visit here in the social center must be an act of nostalgia. Maybe he thought he would find here a fragment of his past, from times when people did normal things. He must have thought if things here were still the same, not all was lost.

“What the fuck is going on here?” Edoardo suddenly shouts from near the stage. Silence echoes through the hall. “This was once our social club. Before that it was a church. Now it’s closed.”

“Right! This is no longer public property,” one of the men in civvies says weakly.

Edoardo waits.

The other, a young guy, with short slicked down hair and a wide red necktie, is wearing a black armband inscribed with the letters N.S.P. in white. “It belongs to the National Socialist Party now,” he says.

“And what do your Separatist friends say about closing this cultural center?” Edoardo taunts. “This place belonged to the people.”

The young man with the armband looks at him uncertainly, shuffles the papers in his hand, and mutters, “Who cares what they think?”

Edoardo moves toward center stage and stops in front of the two men. Calmly he examines each, as if undecided how to react. Then, in a soft voice, he says, “I’m going to report this to the police, then we’ll see.”

“We are the police,” red tie says, now aggressively.

“Then why don’t you ticket that car parked outside on the sidewalk?” When the other doesn’t answer, Edoardo looks into the man’s eyes and for some reason seems to feel sympathy for him; he seems to know the pompous little man is a coward.

“And what’s your name?” Edoardo asks one of the NSP men, a tall, slim youth standing near him.

“Gaetano.”

“Gaetano?”

“Gaetano Bolzoni. Why?”

“You’re a decent looking kid. What are you doing with this gang of hoodlums?”

“Just making a living. You have to work somewhere.”

“He’s a fucking sissy,” interjects a big mean-looking guy.

Edoardo turns to the obvious bully of the group. “And what’s your name, if I may ask?” he asks the man sweetly.

“Cesare Pinelli! What’s it to you?” the other says with a snarl.

“And where might you be from, Cesare?” Edoardo asks, now syrupy. I grin as I write the name in my notebook, certain that more action is to come.

“Palermo,” the other retorts. “And I know how to take care of you.”

“Cesare, you’re a real sneaky guy … a bully too.” Edoardo says. “But you’re also a coward. Oh, oh, Gino, Gael, we’d best get the fuck out of here before they beat us up too. Cowards are dangerous … you never know what they’ll do next,” he says facetiously as a parting salute to the three men in black, before whirling and slamming his huge fist into the bully’s belly. The big guy bends double and collapses in a heap. Edoardo stands over him for a moment waiting for a reaction. Only moans sound from the man coiled at his feet.

Back on the street, we turn a couple of corners and stop in front of the cathedral and chat about what had happened. “You know, I’m always amazed at the differences between people everywhere,” Edoardo says. “I see it immediately. You can see that guy Cesare shooting off his mouth like he did is an evil person, yet right beside him stands that kid, Gaetano. You look at him and you see innocence. Simply graceful, the innocence in the way he looked at me. Crazy! And to think we all come from the same origins! Or actually I don’t know where we come from.”

He looks at me as if wanting to hear how I would respond to his ruminations.

“Years ago, I lived in Germany,” I begin hesitantly, uncertain as to what I want to say on the question of good and evil. “I remember a story I read by a German writer named Heinrich von Kleist. The story is about a marionette theater like one I used to go to in Munich. It’s like a miniature opera house. I went to see the magic performed there. I’ve always wondered how they make the puppets’ movements so graceful. The more lightly they touch the stage boards, the more graceful they appear. Puppets just graze the boards or don’t touch them at all. At that point the writer introduced a bear into his story in which no puppets appeared. The narrator, an expert fencer, relates how he faced a chained bear which he was dared to try to touch with his rapier. The bear parried each of his thrusts with the slightest of movements and didn’t react at all to his feints. Its every movement was graceful, free of wasted movements. A studied grace.”

“So what does the story mean?” Edoardo asks, leaning closer toward me and peering into my eyes.

“Well, Kleist said that grace appears most easily and perhaps secretly in people and animals and organic forms that are unaware of their grace … or that grace is a consciousness which those without that grace cannot grasp. His point, I think, is that in the puppet or in a god, grace is the same as goodness.”

“God?” Edoardo says, as if alarmed. “You said God. My mother who was very religious had her favorite bible quotes for most everything. She spoke a lot about the tree of knowledge of good and evil. I never understood when she said that God knows that the day we eat of the tree of knowledge our eyes will be opened and we too will be like gods, That we will know good and evil, she said.”

“So what’s wrong with that?” I interject, examining the cobbles under my feet. “Aren’t we a little like gods after all?… now that we know that God is dead?”

“God is dead?! … Well, I asked about good and evil because I’d just had the thought that if that guy Cesare were a bit less mean, I could pity him,” Edoardo says. “Yes, definitely, he needs pity.”

I look up at him, astonished. And wait for more. He looks as if he wants to add something but instead he turns away and starts back toward the Ford. By now I’m coming to understand that when one hardened man feels pity for another like himself … that it seems to count for much more than the pity of those who only preach pity. Edoardo made me feel this truth.

A blue police car is parked just in front of Gino’s old Ford, with a ticket hanging under a windshield wiper.

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About the author

gaither-new GAITHER photo
Our Senior Editor based in Rome, serves—inter alia—as our European correspondent. A veteran journalist and essayist on a broad palette of topics from culture to history and politics, he is also the author of the Europe Trilogy, celebrated spy thrillers whose latest volume, Time of Exile, was recently published by Punto Press.

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uza2-zombienation“Oh yes, we survive … as we have for thousands of years. Yes, we survive. The Premier himself—like all the premiers before him—promised order and security in the Mezzogiorno. Now, the Fascists in the city and a secret army in the mountains are vying for the right to execute his orders … and to kill him too. Create order! And killing enemies to do it. Killing refugees and killing Italy. Tonight I’ll take you out. There’s no moon. No hard winds, the sea calm. Though clandestine immigrants land here in lesser numbers than in Sicily, the beaches will be swarming with speedboats and police tonight. You’ll see. Our gallant forces will line the coastline to protect the homeland from the invader.”

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Valdai discussion: Russia and NATO

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On Monday, May 29, the Valdai Discussion Club hosted an expert discussion following the NATO summit in Brussels, titled “NATO and Russia: Unchanged Frontline?” Political scientists, diplomats and journalists, representing both Russia and NATO member states, discussed the state and prospects of relations between Moscow and the North Atlantic Alliance in light of the last summit’s decisions.


Alexander Grushko, Russia’s permanent representative to NATO, took part in the discussion through video conferencing from Brussels. He spoke about his impressions of the summit. According to Grushko, NATO obviously continues to experience a certain crisis. Operations outside the formal zone of responsibility of the alliance, in Afghanistan and Libya, have gone on for many years without success. Despite bold statements, NATO is ill-equipped to fight terrorism. The decision to bring the share of defense spending to 2% of GDP, adopted by the Wales summit in 2014, has met difficulties. By December of this year, the member states will have to submit plans regarding these relevant parameters. Many European members of NATO fear the possibility of the US attention switching to the Pacific region.


NATO is not only useless but a great danger to the survival of the world.


The crisis to its original “raison d’etre” experienced by NATO has brought renewed threats for Russia. After the end of the inter-bloc confrontation in Europe (with the collapse of the USSR in the 1990s), the alliance lost the target it was created for, and tried to find a new role for itself. According to the Russian participants at the discussion, the events of recent years show that NATO has severely drifted back towards its original aim: military deterrence of and even possible confrontation with Russia.

Evgeny Buzhinsky, Lieutenant-General (Retired), chairman of the PIR-Center, spoke about the change in perceptions of NATO in Russia.  According to him, in the early 1990s there was an opinion (misguided) that it was time for Russia to join the “elite club of democracies,” in which NATO had positioned itself. This was always perceived skeptically by the Russian Ministry of Defense, but such sentiments existed in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs up to the Yugoslav events of 1998-1999, Buzhinsky noted. The understanding —rather unavoidable—has come that Russia continues to figure in NATO’s plans as a potential enemy, despite the fact that this was officially denied at all levels.

According to Alexander Grushko, Russian Permanent Representative to NATO, at the moment in the European security sector there was a turn for the worse. “For the first time in many years, security in this region will again be determined not by measures of deterrence, not by efforts to provide security without an emphasis on military means, but by keeping of a certain “balance of threats”, “Grushko said.

“We see no indication that NATO is ready to stop,” the Russian diplomat noted. “On the contrary, there remains great uncertainty about these measures that can be strengthened. The formation of four battalion groups is to be completed. The forces on the Baltic and Black Seas will be strengthened. Active development of the infrastructure is continuing: every day there are reports from Eastern Europe that the construction of certain objects begins or is being completed. Particular attention is now paid to the strengthening the southern flank: American and British forces appeared in Romania, multinational brigades are being created there. Such a picture, apparently, will determine the future structure of military security (a laughable euphemism for imperialist projection) in the region.”

According to James Sherr, Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), who took part in the discussion through a video link from Oxford, the Brussels summit in fact confirmed the decisions of last year’s summit in Warsaw. However, it is obvious that the biggest unknown of the Brussels summit was the participation of US President Donald Trump. Trump, according to Sherr, assembled a competent national security team, but it lacks consistency. Signals that came from the administration in recent months encouraged the European allies of the United States, but during the summit Trump again aroused their concerns. This is all literally nonsense since Russia has no intention of invading Western Europe, and is only interested in defending herself from a well announced possible Western bloc attack.

Sherr noted, that NATO is a “problem” for Trump. “Despite the fact that Trump has been president for several months, he still does not seem to understand exactly what NATO is,” he said. “When he states that the alliance must solve the immigration problem, it means that he does not understand what this organization does and where the competence of the European Union begins.”

A similar assessment of Donald Trump’s foreign policy debut was given by Alexander Grushko. According to the Russian diplomat, judging by the statements of US representatives, the administration is betting on situational coalitions. A particular concern of US allies [actually vassal states in most cases]  was caused by the fact, that Trump did not refer to the Fifth Article of the North Atlantic Treaty. Finally, many members expressed concern about his proposal to increase defense spending by $119 billion a year, a figure bigger than Russia’s entire military budget. This despite the ludicrously bloated US defense budget, whose visible part alone is inching toward a trillion dollars a year.

Another topic discussed was the possible creation of an European army. Buzhinsky noted that NATO remains a bloc, in which the US continues to dominate militarily. According to him, Americans play the leading role in conducting combat operations. In many European countries more than 50% of the costs go to the service support of personnel: small European armies live comfortably and do not want to fight. No European country can simultaneously take part in NATO and in a potential European army. Sherr retorted to this, saying that Europe makes “an important non-military contribution” to the alliance’s activities.

In general, the participants at the discussion stated that Russia and NATO have kept to the same positions. Perhaps the only positive element of the current state of things is that these positions are clearly and unambiguously expressed, unlike in previous years.

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About the author

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Our Senior Editor based in Rome, serves—inter alia—as our European correspondent. A veteran journalist and essayist on a broad palette of topics from culture to history and politics, he is also the author of the Europe Trilogy, celebrated spy thrillers whose latest volume, Time of Exile, was recently published by Punto Press.

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uza2-zombienationAccording to Alexander Grushko, Russian Permanent Representative to NATO, at the moment in the European security sector there was a turn for the worse. “For the first time in many years, security in this region will again be determined not by measures of deterrence, not by efforts to provide security without an emphasis on military means, but by keeping of a certain “balance of threats”, “Grushko said.


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Strutting Fascism and swaggering militarism

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CLASSICAL ESSAYS • Original version on July 1, 2008

“We work for the moral and traditional values which Socialists neglect and despise. . . .” –Benito Mussolini


ROME — It’s their strutting. That detestable image of the strutting that links them, the strutting and prancing Fascists and their swaggering and parading military cousins, up front for their conveniently concealed corporatist controllers.



Il Duce among Blackshirts.

A strutting and swaggering couple they are, Fascism and the entrenched class of war. Their distorted visions of gallantry and nation come so naturally to both. The spick and span generals, employers of mercenaries and killers, chin in, chest out, and their majors and their colonels (especially the generals in the offices and the majors in the tents), thick chests covered with ribbons and medals and rows of multicolored decorations — awarded for killing. And the political Fascists! Defiant chins thrust forward, hard fists clinched, swaggering and prancing and strutting across the stages of piazzas, nations and continents in support of the killing.

For God’s sakes let’s don’t waste time on the propaganda of “supporting our troops over there!” Or defense of America’s values! Or the future of our children! Or the war on terrorism! Let’s don’t waste words on that. As if in their strutting and blustering they had a monopoly on care for our sons! Let the generals and the industrial-military complex and our new administration (hopefully) support our boys “over there” in the only way that really counts — by bringing them home.


Historical Fascism

Many people mistook him for a clown at first, but he proved lethal. And people have been helped to forget that fascism is an offshoot of capitalism.

If one behaves like a swaggering Fascist, speaks like a super nationalistic Fascist, acts like a Fascist bully, he must be a Fascist. We feel a certain solace in just pronouncing the epithet, “fucking Fascists!”

Yet the word Fascism has not always been politically derogatory. Not by a long shot. Within a decade early last century, the word Fascism came to be applied to a cluster of similar nationalist-militaristic movements in Europe, the most important of which were the original Fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany, or National Socialism. In a wave of revolutionary nationalism, Fascism first emerged in an Italy ravaged by World War I. The swaggering strutting nationalistic movement of Mussolinian Fascism had no precise forerunners from the 19th century, as did Socialism and Communism, but it was soon admired and imitated by like-minded movements across Europe and in the USA.

William Dudley Pelly’s Nazi-supported Silver Shirts organized in the 1930s in the town of Asheville, NC, where I grew up was the most influential, most violent, most anti-Semitic of native American Fascist organizations, with allegedly some 2 million members and with whom today’s Right still has ideological bonds. America’s Fascists favored Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in WWII. Religion and intense hatred of minorities bond Christian Identity and right-wing extremists with the former Silver Shirt movement. TV evangelists of the likes of Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell have followed the same format — hate of Communism, Jews, gays, abortion, welfare, unions — in favor of the corporate-clerical state.

With the rise of the power of corporations came also the rise of the modern military-police profession cast in a new role. As did former monarchs, modern corporations and their stockholders need the military-police control mechanism in order to ascertain that the populace never rises up in protest. Their marriage is the heart of Fascism. Fascism in practice is thus the protective shield for Corporatism. For every Corporate-Fascist state inevitably erects a police state to regulate and finally enslave its people. The most striking historical examples were Italy and Germany last century. Today, it is the USA and its proxy puppet governments around the world.

The term Fascism derives from the Italian fascio, or Latin fasces, in reference to the bundle of rods that symbolized the authority of the Republic of ancient Rome. The term was used occasionally in the late 19th century for new radical movements combining strong nationalism, aggressive activism and violence and “authoritarianism,” another term coined by early Italian Fascists, signs of which have reappeared today in contemporary Berlusconian Italy.


Hitler and Mussolini

Adolph Hitler and Benito Mussolini in Munich, 1940. Remarkably, Hitler had genuine affection and even admiration for Mussolini, whom he regarded as the father of fascism. While German culture and character inevitably imprinted German fascism with a harder, more brutal and also more romantic mien, in its early days Hitler consciously applied many lessons he had observed about the experiences of fascists in Italy. Marion Doss. (CC BY-SA 2.0)

Revolutionary Italian nationalists after WWI used the word fascio for the movement that in 1921 became the Fascist Party. Wearing a black shirt, the color of Fascism, Benito Mussolini recruited a fascio di combattimento, or combat group. Mussolini did not found Italian Fascism but he insinuated himself into its leadership and became its supreme leader, Il Duce. His combat fasces and the drums of authoritarianism created an atmosphere in which Fascist dictatorship was wildly perceived as the only salvation of strife-ridden Italy, a strategy eerily echoed today in Berlusconian Italy. Mussolini became modern Europe’s first Fascist leader, Italy’s prime minister and dictator from 1922 to 1943.

In the widespread post-World War I disenchantment and in Europe, Mussolini’s revolutionary spirit and his Fascist model were contagious and spread over Europe and to the USA. Based on a corporatist and totalitarian vision of the state, Fascism then, as today, has considered itself a third way between capitalism and Socialism-Communism.

Benito Mussolini offered this authoritative definition of Fascism: “Fascism is a great mobilization of material and moral forces. What does it propose? We say the following without false modesty: To govern the nation. With what program? With a program necessary to guarantee the moral and material grandeur of the Italian people. Let’s speak clearly: It’s of no import if our concrete program is somewhat convergent with that of the Socialists as far as the technical, administrative and political reorganization of our country is concerned. We work for the moral and traditional values which Socialists neglect and despise. . . .”

Corporatism was so much the heart of Italian Fascism that Mussolini insisted that Fascism should in fact be called Corporatism because it is a merger of the nationalist-military state and corporate power. His words struck a chord in the hearts of European and American capitalists in the 1930s and ’40s, just as they still do today. For if one bothers to look, the traits of Fascism are highly visible in Corporatism. What are corporations anyway? Corporations are legally named persons, fictitious persons that have gained more rights than individual human beings.

By nature corporations are thirsty for power. They are insatiable. Growth and more power are their mottos. As corporations acquire more power, they and their lobbies come to control also the puppet government and thus the real people of flesh and blood whose rights cannot but deteriorate. The goals of corporations, their raison d’etre and the twin pillars of their existence, are growth and greater and greater profits. In the capitalist state the “government of the people” becomes a fiction and morphs into corporate rule. In that sense US liberalism has considerable overlap with Fascism. The word Corporatism fits well the social-political setup in the USA and most of Europe today and, in that sense, is an heir of Fascism.

Mussolini, I believe, would feel quite comfortable in the NATO-European Union-USA-European arena today. The merger of the military-industrial complex and the political world in the USA is the most contemporary example of the concept of Corporatism-Fascism. In their penetrating, pervasive and increasingly authoritarian interventions in socio-economic life, today’s governments in America and Europe are in fact examples of Fascism in action. Moreover, it should be noted here that while Fascism in its Mussolinian origins was nationalist, today it is global. Globalization is no less than Mussolini’s Fascism-Corporatism in action on a world scale.

It’s no wonder that from its inception Fascism violently opposed Socialism and Communism. Anti-Communism and anti-Socialism have been the US corporate-political policy since the rise of workers’ movements in the middle of the 19th century. The original Fascism itself was born in part as a reaction to the Russian Revolution, in part in opposition to the rise of the ideal of liberal democracy. From the start Fascism everywhere combined ideological aspects of the extreme Right such as nationalism, militarism, expansionism and meritocracy (the latter is much in vogue today in Berlusconian Italy) and idealist elements borrowed from workers’ movements such as the primacy of labor, social and unionist revolution. The very word Nazi derived from the name of Hitler’s National Socialist Party, reflecting its emergence from and support by the petty bourgeoisie. And still today, Italian neo-Fascists describe their movement as social and named their post-Mussolinian political party, the Italian Social Movement.

Antonio Gramsci, the political thinker, philosopher and co-founder of the Italian Communist Party, in an article, “Little Fascists” (Piccoli fascisti), in Ordine Nuovo, January 2, 1921, linked the Fascism of his time to the petty bourgeoisie, at the time called the shopkeepers’ class, perhaps closest to the American liberal upper middle classes today.

“In this its last political incarnation which is ‘fascism,’ the petty bourgeoisie has revealed its real nature as a servant of capitalism and landed property. But it has also shown that it is fundamentally incapable of playing any historic role: the people of monkeys fill the news, does not create history, leaves traces in the newspapers, does not offer materials for books. The petty bourgeoisie, after having ruined Parliament, is now ruining the bourgeois state: it substitutes private violence for the authority of law. . . .”

In one of Gramsci’s famous quotes Fascism was described as an attempt to resolve production and trade issues with “machines guns and revolver shots.”

“Productive forces have been ruined and wasted in the imperialistic war: twenty million men in the flower of youth and energy have been killed; the thousands of links that united world markets have been violently destroyed; the relations between countryside and city, between metropolises and colonies, have been turned upside down; the streams of emigration that periodically re-established unbalance between an excess of population and the potentiality of the means of production in single nations have been profoundly upset and no longer function normally. . . . Yet there exists a small layer of population in all countries — the petty and middle bourgeoisie — that believes it can resolve these gigantic problems with machine guns and revolver shots, and this small layer fuels fascism, supplies manpower to fascism.”

The roots of Fascism are European, linked to the birth of mass society after WWI, especially in those nations in transformation, which were conditioned by political and economic weakness as were Italy and Germany defeated in the Great War. Labeled by Thomas Mann the “moral sickness of Europe” of the epoch, Fascism found particularly fertile ground in Italy and Germany. Fascism is not based on any one class. It draws support from all. It is the result of wayward moral conscience and drunken decadence produced by the horrors of war and it affected most countries that participated in the conflict — that is much of the world.

Yet, as Gramsci noted, the petty bourgeoisie provided Fascism’s most ardent supporters. This relationship of Fascism-middle class is essential, central, in order to grasp the nature of Fascism at all latitudes. It was the common denominator between Italy and Germany. This relationship distinguishes Fascism from similar regimes and movements elsewhere which though often called Fascist are only marginally so. This relationship also explains the mass support Italian Fascism and German Nazism acquired, the reputation as mass movements, for regimes that in power could only develop based on a police state, terror and a monopoly of mass propaganda.


Fascism as Corporatism

There is some truth to the claim that liberalism created Fascism. The Italian petty bourgeoisie created Mussolinian Fascism and still today, 2008, the same petty bourgeoisie in Rome’s borgate, the vast poorer and workers’ districts, are the backbone of Italy’s neo-Fascism and Berlusconian populism. In Mussolini’s time, the wealthy upper classes abetted and encouraged Fascism’s emergence, confident that it could control it. To a certain extent and for a certain time it did. Until Fascism in power showed its true face and controlled the controllers. Yet Mussolini insisted on the name of Corporatism instead of Fascism. Today, capitalism is both partner and controller of American Corporate Fascism as were capitalists in Europe and the USA in the 1920s and ’30s.

Even a superficial analysis of the state created by the Corporate Fascism-middle class symbiosis of three-quarters of a century ago shows clear analogies with the American form of Corporatism today. Though not yet widely identified as such, Fascism is already in place in power in this great and powerful Corporatist state. American Corporatism has created the bases of its police state as Corporatism did in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The state relies on terrorism to create the threat from external enemies created by the state itself. Hitler’s burning of the Reichstag in Berlin for which Communists were blamed was Nazi Germany’s Twin Towers. The American corporatist state uses establishment media and acquiescent intellectuals for its mass propaganda a la Goebbels to maintain the false consciousness and the Americanism image. The subservient media and compliant intellectuals serve to create the myths of the elusive American dream and the mythical American way of life of comfort and ease — in sum, Americanism — and to assure the consent of the masses in the interests of wealth, power, and privilege.

Fascism is thus a product of capitalist society, an anti-proletarian reaction to protect the social relations reigning in capitalist production. Fascism is the falange Italy’s Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi speaks of today to break workers movements in the interests of capital. Mussolinian Fascism, and German Nazism organized the nation spiritually by intense radical demagogic propaganda, military build-up, the creation of a mass social base and centralized government. In a similar fashion, the Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan governments of the 1980s marked the revival of the process of Corporatism, the crushing of any illusions of a welfare state in the USA and the weakening of the foundations of social democracy in Great Britain.

Once firmly in power Fascism always carries out a palace revolution in order to further regiment the masses while leaving capital free to dispose of plus value as it desires. In this sense, the corporate state crushes class struggle and guarantees the monopoly organization of capital. During the acme of his power in the early 1930s, Mussolini repeatedly claimed that within a few years all of Europe would be Fascist. Though I am little inclined to dwell on affinities between Mussolini and Lenin, still, in the 20th century the great ideological movements were in competition for the souls of the masses. Mussolini believed firmly in the fascistization of the world as Lenin did in world Socialist revolution. In that respect Fascism was counter-revolutionary and reactionary despite its claims that it was social and revolutionary.


Mussolini’s ignominious end. Fascism’s incarnation died for a moment but the fascist virus continued, since it lives off of capitalist ruling class dynamics.

One question remains: the difference between Fascism and Nazism. Can one distinguish between them qualitatively, recognizing however the same essence in each? Or are they perhaps different movements also in essence? Mussolini believed they were different. Subsequent history has also differentiated between them. The Polish Pope John Paul II said at the end of his life that Nazism was the supreme evil of the century. Though history in general tends to consider Fascism a variation of other authoritarian regimes, one might add, closest to the USA today, I prefer to leave them together, wrapped in each other’s arms, one comforting the other.

In contrast to Socialism, both Fascism and Nazism were from the start extremely nationalistic, attempts to perpetuate the heredity of a people, a nation, a race. Socialism-Communism, despite its failures to live up to that promise, was internationalist by nature; in the long run Soviet Communism became nationalistic, even though that mutation came to be blamed—with much logic— on the capitalist encirclement. That encirclement was real, not a scarecrow as is terrorism and security today. It really happened. Fascism on the other hand goes far beyond traditional nationalism. It perceives of the nation not as the hereditary container of values but also as a future of power. For Fascism, history is not perceived as loyalty to values but as history’s continuing recreation over and over again, which requires for its fulfillment the crushing of anything standing in its way. Hitler himself recognized Italian Fascism as the first movement that fought against Marxism and Communism, in his view, from a non-reactionary point of view.

In the USA the choice of individualism and the privation of a solid and stable workers movement capable of political power in the name of social justice are dissonant with social development and social justice. In Europe the diverse histories of workers movements had close relationships and inter-connections with the rise of the nation states. Therefore, the flagrant divergence of the model of the federal state projected by the USA from that of Europe. Thus the pernicious halo around the now fictitious American dream and Americanism, which provide the permanent foundations for an enduring Corporatist-Fascist state.

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About the author


Our Senior Editor based in Rome, serves—inter alia—as our European correspondent. A veteran journalist and essayist on a broad palette of topics from culture to history and politics, he is also the author of the Europe Trilogy, celebrated spy thrillers whose latest volume, Time of Exile, was recently published by Punto Press.



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uza2-zombienationIn contrast to Socialism, both Fascism and Nazism were from the start extremely nationalistic, attempts to perpetuate the heredity of a people, a nation, a race. Socialism-Communism, despite its failures to live up to that promise, was internationalist by nature; in the long run Soviet Communism became nationalistic, even though that mutation came to be blamed—with much logic— on the capitalist encirclement. That encirclement was real, not a scarecrow as is terrorism and security today. It really happened.


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